Journal for Deradicalization
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Signs of Concern about Islamic and Right-Wing Extremism on a Helpline against Radicalization
Few initiatives and actions for dealing with and countering violent extremism and preventing terrorism focus on offering support to individuals who know people who are at risk of becoming involved in a violent extremist milieu. In Sweden, the non-governmental organization (NGO) Save the Children was commissioned to set up a support helpline specifically for these individuals. This study analyzed 98 documented helpline cases dealing with Islamic and right-wing extremist milieus, and explored what causes concern about radicalization as well as the similarities and differences in the causes of concern for these two milieus. The analysis reveals a somewhat normative radicalization discourse as a concern in Islamic extremism focused on religious practice and potential cognitive factors, while concern in right-wing extremism primarily occurs when a youth has joined an organization or practiced activism
The Neurocognitive Process of Digital Radicalization: A Theoretical Model and Analytical Framework
Recent studies suggest that empathy induced by narrative messages can effectively facilitate persuasion and reduce psychological reactance. Although limited, emerging research on the etiology of radical political behavior has begun to explore the role of narratives in shaping an individual’s beliefs, attitudes, and intentions that culminate in radicalization. The existing studies focus exclusively on the influence of narrative persuasion on an individual, but they overlook the necessity of empathy and that in the absence of empathy, persuasion is not salient. We argue that terrorist organizations are strategic in cultivating empathetic-persuasive messages using audiovisual materials, and disseminating their message within the digital medium. Therefore, in this paper we propose a theoretical model and analytical framework capable of helping us better understand the neurocognitive process of digital radicalization
Fighting the Enemies of God: the Rise of and the Response to Violent Extremism in Sudan
This article explores the rise of and the response to violent extremism, as well as the state of affairs regarding deradicalization programs in Sudan. Based on 18 interviews with policy makers, deradicalization program staff and relatives of ISIS members, it argues that the growth of violent extremism in Sudan is far from being solely an extension of the global jihad movements; rather, it is a manifestation of domestic political and historical dynamics. This article demonstrates that violent extremism is embedded in the Islamization project that was launched by the Inqāz regime—a radical, military Islamist government that seized power in 1989—and a political ideology that created the conditions for violent extremism to thrive. Furthermore, the article illustrates two Salafi-jihadist domestic groups that are committed to establishing a global Islamic state and legitimate the use of violence to achieve their political and religious goals. This article analyzes the various narratives employed by the regime to dissociate the country from violent extremism and to portray it as a recent and foreign phenomenon. One key finding of this paper is that deradicalization in Sudan is practiced in the context where the regime attempts to balance between two contradicting interests: it tries to remove Sudan from the US government list of state sponsors of terrorism, on one hand, and to maintain the regime’s questioned local Islamic legitimacy, on the other hand
Working Across Boundaries in Preventing Violent Extremism: Towards a typology for collaborative arrangements in PVE policy
Preventing violent extremism has become a concern for policy makers at all levels from municipal governments to international organisations. A common feature of policy at all levels is the call for collaboration between different sectors, professionals, organisations and communities. While collaboration features so centrally in PVE policy, currently there is no overarching framework through which the many instances of collaboration can be analysed or compared. This paper offers a typology of collaborative arrangements in PVE policy derived from a multilevel policy analysis. This typology creates a foundation for further research into the effectiveness and limitations of different collaborative arrangements in the context of PVE
Deradicalization and Disengagement: Exit Programs in Norway and Sweden and Addressing Neo-Nazi Extremism
Though the study of deradicalization is relatively new, in the last several decades many countries have undertaken the task of building programs within the space to address the growing threat of extremism and radicalization – both from a religious and political perspective. This paper examines the birth of deradicalization programs in Norway and Sweden, which were two of the first – if not the first – countries to create holistic programmatic approaches to tackling disengagement and deradicalization. Both of these programs sprang up in the mid-to late 1990s and were tasked with growing far-right extremist groups. The paper outlines the opportunities and challenges that facet of the program presented and if and how they were able to adjust. Finally, the paper looks at the data collected by each program, specifically on the number of their participants and if they remained separate from radical ideologies to determine if the programs were success and similar programs could be replicated and expect similar successes. With the resurgence of white power and Neo-Nazi extremism across Europe and the United States, a consideration of the programs developed in Sweden and Norway two decades ago may provide a replicable template for current issues with extremism
Higher Education in an Era of Violent Extremism: Exploring Tensions Between National Security and Academic Freedom
Security, terrorism, and radicalization are related topics that are rarely discussed in the study of international education. To fill this gap, this study investigated how the higher education sector in the European Community, including Turkey, has engaged with numerous counter-radicalization strategies. Through a survey of 18 available policy documents and a focus on the UK’s Prevent Strategy and the EU’s Radicalization Awareness Network Guidance (RAN), along with a qualitative investigation of publicly available information from 24 universities, this study demonstrates that national security policies rarely provide recommendations to institutions of higher education for the prevention of radicalization leading to violent extremism. Findings point to the conclusion that universities are either unenthusiastic or resistant to complying with top-down, government issued directives for countering student radicalization. We recommend that communication methods between policy-makers and university administrators be reconsidered for the greater protection of students and their wider communities
A scoping review of interventions for preventing and countering violent extremism: Current status and implications for future research
The growth of counter-terrorism efforts has been reported in a number of scholarly studies. These studies have also reported a shift in efforts to prevent future terrorism towards targeting potential future terrorists and preventing them from becoming radicalized, particularly in the Western world. The importance of evidence-based interventions is commonly stressed in the policy processes involved in installing interventions that have the aim of countering/preventing violent extremism (C/PVE). However, there is a lack of knowledge about the state of the evidence for interventions within this field. The objective of this scoping review was to map the evidence base for P/CVE interventions as reported in scholarly studies. We searched multiple databases using search terms related to violent extremism, terrorism and prevention to assess the research describing interventions for C/PVE. A total of 111 publications were included in the study. The interventions identified were most commonly implemented at the national level. Only 38 publications mentioned any kind of outcome and only two publications evaluated the comparative effectiveness of the interventions. The outcomes evaluated were knowledge and attitudes - outcomes without direct relevance for C/PVE. In conclusion, there is a lack of evidence-based interventions that focus on C/PVE. Future research should focus on evaluating the comparative effectiveness of outcomes that are relevant to C/PVE in order to fill this knowledge gap
Leaving Hate Behind – Neo-Nazis, Significant Others and Disengagement
The purpose of this study is to contribute to the oral history of disengagement processes of former neo-Nazis in Sweden. The main aim is to take a holistic approach to their narratives. This means that these narratives need to be placed in relation to significant others – such as teachers, parents, and siblings – in order to contextualize the individual stories and pathways and also analyze push and pull factors in a broader context. Although there is ample evidence for the importance pro-social relationship for disengagement, most studies have focused exclusively on the individual stories. This one-sided focus could contribute to the construction of a highly individualized narrative of disengagement processes. Research has shown that disengagement from extremist movements is often preceded by individuals’ disillusionment with the movement, but there is also a need for the individual to reconnect with others outside the movement in order to share his or her doubts. There is, however, scarce research on how this process of interaction with significant outsiders who are present during both the radicalization and disengagement process can be understood. The empirical material of this study consists of two case studies. Each case story contains a condensed narrative of the person’s own perception of push and pull factors leading into the neo-Nazi movement in Sweden and starting a disengagement process. In one case, disengagement was successful, in the other it was not. In addition to these individual narratives, a number of voices of significant others are added and analyzed to contextualize each pathway. The results show that disengagement can be understood as a combination of fateful moments and “interventions” by significant others. The non-judgmental attitudes among these significant others are rooted in their lived experiences of handling individuals grievances
The Deradicalisation Programme for Indonesian Deportees: A Vacuum in Coordination
This paper aims to describe and provide an assessment of the rehabilitation and reintegration programme for Indonesian deportees in 2017. Hundreds of Indonesians aspired to join the militant jihad in Syria, but many were arrested before entering the country. Deportees without criminal charges were sent to the Ministry of Social Affairs’ (Kemensos) shelters in East Jakarta to undergo a one-month rehabilitation programme. The rehabilitation was executed prematurely with the absence of clear guidelines. A reintegration programme should play a pivotal role in a long-term deradicalisation process. Yet, the acute problem of “sectoral ego” among Indonesian institutions hampers the effectiveness of the reintegration programme, as there are overlapping responsibilities between state agencies and non-governmental organisations. Severe competition among relevant stakeholders also slows down information sharing in the handling of deportees. This paper finds that sectoral ego has created significant obstacles for the reintegration programme. There are “too many hands” on one deportee, which makes it hard to assess which programme works more effectively. In addition, the deportees also receive several visits from various stakeholders that have similar offers and provide repetitive discussions, leading to some deportees becoming reluctant to cooperate. As a result, “too many cooks spoil the broth”. The relevant stakeholders must enhance transparency and coordination that is not limited to an agreement on paper. The management of deportees can also provide lessons for policy makers to improve broader CVE efforts in Indonesia
Revisiting the De-Radicalisation or Disengagement Debate: Public Attitudes to the Re-Integration of Terrorists
The article reports on the findings of an experimental survey which was conducted to ascertain the level of support and perceived effectiveness of using de-radicalisation programmes to re-integrate returning foreign fighters. Public support (or the lack of opposition) for re-integration programmes can be important in ensuring the programmes have the time, resources and opportunity to be successful however we know little about what wider society thinks about re-integration programmes. The article explores the extent to which the inclusion of de-radicalisation – in name and content – changes attitudes to a re-integration programme. This is relevant in showing attitudes to de-radicalisation over disengagement and whether de-radicalisation, while perhaps not more effective at the programme-level, is or is not more effective at generating public support for re-integration (and thereby facilitating the process itself). We find that the inclusion of de-radicalisation in the name and content of a re-integration programme to a small extent increases support for re-integration over a programme that uses the terms disengagement and desistance. However, we also find that while de-radicalisation increases support, it also decreases perceived effectiveness, leading respondents to feel it makes the country less safe and less likely to reduce the re-offending rate than if the programme excludes de-radicalisation. We argue this polarising effect is reflective of wider reasons for supporting the policies (e.g. de-radicalisation may be seen as a form of ideational/normative punishment) and that the term de-radicalisation may shift the framing of the problematic to entrenched social structures, thus rendering itself ineffective as a policy treatment. In terms of policy, we argue there is a necessity for greater openness about re-integration programmes and that governments would benefit from selling the programmes to the public. We conclude our paper with a justification of focusing further research on understanding public/community attitudes to re-integration programmes and understanding the PR of counter-terrorism policies more generally