East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine (EASTM - Universität Tübingen)

Gramlich-Oka, Bettina

Note from the Guest Editor: Special Issue Society and Illness in Early Modern Japan

Goble, Andrew Edmund

Rhythms of Medicine and Community in Late Sixteenth Century Japan: Yamashina Tokitsune (1543-1611) and his Patients

Contents 
 
 
Special Issue 
Society and Illness in Early Modern Japan 
 
Note from the Editor 7 
 
Note from the Guest Editor 
—BETTINA GRAMLICH-OKA 9 
 
Introduction  
—WILLIAM WAYNE FARRIS 10 
 
Rhythms of Medicine and Community in Late Sixteenth Century 
Japan: Yamashina Tokitsune (1543-1611) and his Patients 
—ANDREW EDMUND GOBLE 13 
 
Nanayama Jundō at Work: A Village Doctor and Medical Know-
ledge in Nineteenth Century Japan  
—SUSAN L. BURNS 62 
 
 
To be published in issue 30 
 
Warding off Calamity in Japan: A Comparison of the 1855 Catfish 
Picture Prints and the 1862 Measles Prints  
—GREGORY SMITS   
 
The Body Economic: Japan’s Cholera Epidemic of 1858 in Popular 
Discourse  
—BETTINA GRAMLICH-OKA  
 
Sexually Transmitted Diseases and Demographic Change in Early 
Modern Japan 
—WILLIAM D. JOHNSTON  
Reviews 
 
Cecilia Braghin (ed.), Chinese Glass: Archaeological Studies on the 
Uses and Social Context of Glass Artefacts from the Warring 
States to the Northern Song Period 
—reviewed by Li Hui 84 
 
De la difficulté de juger: Quelques ressources du mode critique en 
Chine et au Viêt Nam (On the Difficulty of Judgment: Some 
Resources of Criticism in China and Vietnam), in the journal 
Extrême Orient, Extrême Occident: Papers on Comparative 
Research 
—reviewed by Vitacheslav Vetrov 88 
 
Paul U. Unschuld, Chinese Life Science: Introductory Readings in 
Classical Chinese Medicine  
—reviewed by Florence Bretelle-Establet 102 
 
Henry S. Rowen, Marguerite Gong Hancock, and William F. Miller 
(eds.), Making IT: The Rise of Asia in High Tech 
—reviewed by Richard P. Suttmeier 106 
 
 


Contents 
 
Special Issue 
Western Learning in Late Ming and Early Qing China 
 
 
Note from the Editor 7 
 
Introduction from the Guest Editor 
—CATHERINE JAMI 9 
 
Four Elements as Ti and Five Phases as Yong: The Historical 
Development from Shao Yong’s Huangji jingshi to Matteo Ricci’s 
Qiankun tiyi 
—HSU KUANG-TAI  13 
 
Nikolaus Smogulecki and Xue Fengzuo’s True Principles of the 
Pacing of the Heavens: Its Production, Publication, and Reception 
—SHI YUNLI  63 
 
Eclipses and the Victory of European Astronomy in China  
—LÜ LINGFENG  127 
 
Western Learning and Imperial Scholarship: The Kangxi Emporer’s 
Study 
—CATHERINE JAMI  146 
 
 
Reviews 
 
Christine Moll-Murata, Song Jianze and Hans Ulrich Vogel (eds.), 
Chinese Handicraft Regulations of the Qing Dynasty 
—reviewed by Peter J. Golas  173 
 
Pierre Le Roux, Alexandre Yersin, un passe-muraille (1863-1943). 
Vainqueur de la peste et de la diphtérie, explorateur des hauts 
plateaux d’Indochine 
 —reviewed by Annick Guénel  176 
 


Shi, Yunli

Nikolaus Smogulecki and Xue Fengzuo's True Principles of the Pacing of the Heavens: Its Production, Publication, and Reception

East Asian 
Science, Technology, 
and Medicine 
 
Number 26 
2007 
 
A journal dedicated to the study of traditional and modern  
East Asian science, technology, and medicine. 
 
 
 
Editor:  
Hans Ulrich Vogel 
 
Seminar für Sinologie und Koreanistik 
Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen 
Wilhelmstr. 133 
72074 Tübingen / Germany 
FAX: 0049 - 7071 - 295733 
E-Mail: eastm@uni-tuebingen.de 
 
 
 
Managing and Production Editors: 
Vanessa Dahlmann, Seminar für Sinologie und Koreanistik, Tübingen 
Valerie Keppel, Seminar für Sinologie und Koreanistik, Tübingen 
 
 
 
English Language Editor:  
John P. C. Moffett, Needham Research Institute, Cambridge (UK) 
 
 
 
Local Advisory Board: 
Klaus J. Antoni, Seminar für Japanologie, Tübingen 
Dieter Eikemeier, Seminar für Sinologie und Koreanistik, Tübingen 
Viktoria Eschbach-Szabo, Seminar für Japanologie, Tübingen 
Robert Horres, Seminar für Japanologie, Tübingen 
Achim Mittag, Seminar für Sinologie und Koreanistik, Tübingen 
  
 
EDITORIAL COMMITTEE 
Bridie Andrews-Minehan, Department of History, Bentley College 
Francesca Bray, Department of Social Anthropology, University of Edinburgh 
Christopher Cullen, Needham Research Institute and Darwin College,  
Cambridge 
Benjamin A. Elman, East Asian Studies and History, Princeton University 
Charlotte Furth, Department of History, University of Southern California,  
Los Angeles 
Hashimoto Keizō, Faculty of Sociology, Kansai University, Osaka 
Huang Yi-Long, Institute of History, National Tsing Hua University, Hsinchu 
Jeon Sang-woon, Cultural Properties Committee Korea, Seoul 
Catherine Jami, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris 
Yung Sik Kim, College of Humanities, Seoul National University 
Dieter Kuhn, Institut für Kulturwissenschaften Ost- und Südasiens - Sinologie, 
 Universität Würzburg 
Angela Ki Che Leung, Sun Yat-Sen Institute for Social Sciences and Philosophy,  
Academia Sinica, Taipei 
Liu Bing, Institute of Science, Technology and Society, Tsinghua University, 
Beijing 
Liu Dun, Institute for the History of Natural Science, Academia Sinica, Beijing 
Morris Low, Department of the History of Science, Medicine, and Technology, 
Johns Hopkins University 
Georges Métailié, Centre Alexandre Koyré, CNRS-EHESS-MNHN, Paris 
Shi Yunli, Department of the History of Science and Scientific Archaeology, 
University of Science and Technology of China, Hefei 
Nathan Sivin, Department of the History and Sociology of Science, University of 
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia 
C. Michele Thompson, Department of History, Southern Connecticut State 
University, New Haven 
Tsukahara Togo, History and Philosophy of Science, Technology and Medicine, 
Kobe University 
Paul U. Unschuld, Horst-Götz-Stiftungsinstitut für Theorie, Geschichte und Ethik 
Chinesischer Lebenswissenschaften, Charité, Berlin 
Donald B. Wagner, Department of Asian Studies, University of Copenhagen 
Yoshida Tadashi, Center for Northeast Asian Studies, Tohoku University, Sendai 
 
 
 
THE SCOPE OF EASTM 
Copyright  2007. EASTM (formerly Chinese Science) is published by the International 
Society for the History of East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine (ISHEASTM). 
Numbers 1-10 (1975-92) were published irregularly under the editorship of Nathan Sivin 
(University of Pennsylvania). Numbers 11-15 (1993-98) were issued annually at the 
University of California, Los Angeles, by Benjamin A. Elman. Beginning with Number 
16 (1999), the name of the journal changed to East Asian Science, Technology, and 
Medicine and is published at the University of Tübingen, Germany. From 2003 to 2008 
two issues per annum have been the norm, however, only one issue per annum will be 
published from 2009 onwards.  
The publication of this periodical is supported by a grant from the Deutsche 
Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG). 
This journal includes studies on the science, technology, and medicine of traditional and 
contemporary East Asia. Any study based on original research using Chinese, Japanese, 
or Korean primary sources or artifacts, that elucidates the relationships and interactions of 
science, technology, and medicine with politics, society, economics, philosophy, culture, 
religion, historiography, as well as their disciplinary traditions, or throws light on the 
work of scientists, technologists, and physicians in East Asia will gladly be considered. 
SUBMISSIONS 
Potential contributors are encouraged to correspond with the editor before submitting 
manuscripts in order to ensure that their work falls within the purview of EASTM, and to 
simplify the preparation of the final copy. All contributions except invited reviews are 
refereed. The editor does not referee. For Chinese romanization, both Pinyin and Wade-
Giles transcriptions are accepted, while for Japanese and Korean, the Hepburn and 
McCune/Reischauer systems are to be used. With regard to style and format, contributors 
should refer to the latest issue of EASTM. Information on the preparation of manuscripts 
and their submission in electronic form will also be provided on request. 
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ISHEASTM 
The publication, since the fifties, of Joseph Needham’s (1900-1995) monumental work, 
Science and Civilisation in China, has been followed by a rapid development of research 
on the history of science, technology, and medicine in China, as well as in civilisations 
upon which Chinese culture exerted an important influence, such as Japan, Korea, and 
Vietnam. Since 1982, International Conferences on the History of Science in China had 
been held at irregular intervals. At the sixth of these conferences, held in Cambridge in 
1990 in honour of Joseph Needham’s ninetieth birthday, participants agreed to found the 
International Society for the History of East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine 
(ISHEASTM). 
The Society’s purpose is to serve, represent and speak for scholars of the field defined by 
its name. It aims, primarily, to promote contacts and exchanges between those scholars, 
and also to establish and reinforce links with other scholarly communities, at an 
international level. The Society’s activities include: 
• The organisation of a plenary meeting every three years (Kyoto 1993, Seoul 1996,   
Singapore 1999, Shanghai 2002, Munich 2005, Baltimore 2008); 
• The publication of a journal, EASTM; 
• The publication of a semi-annual Bulletin. 
For more information on the society please consult the home page maintained at the 
Needham Research Institute in Cambridge: http://www.nri.org.uk/ISHEASTM.html 
 
This journal is printed on acid-free paper.  
 
ISSN #1562-918X 


Editorial

Amelung, Iwo

Alain Arrault and Catherine Jami (eds.), Science and Technology  in East Asia. Proceedings of the "th International Congress of History of Science

Hsu, Kuang-tai

Four Elements as Ti and Five Phases as Yong: The Historical Development from Shao Yong's Huangji jingshi to Matteo Riccis Qiankun tiyi

Vogel, Hans Ulrich

7 
Note from the Editor 
 
This special issue of EASTM is dedicated to the first intense intercivilisational 
encounter between Western and Chinese sciences during the late Ming and early 
Qing period. With Catherine Jami acting as guest editor the four articles col-
lected and introduced by her deal with selected issues of this important phase in 
the history of Chinese sciences. Hsu Kuang-Tai 徐 光 台 provides an extensive 
and comprehensive discussion on the rise of the concept of the “four elements 
(yuanxing 元 行) as ti 體 (substance) and five phases (xing 行) as yong 用 (func-
tion)” as it was used by Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) in his attempt to introduce the 
Four Aristotelian Elements into Chinese cosmology and natural philosophy.  He 
shows that this was based on a cross-cultural borrowing and appropriation of the 
notion of the “four forms (xiang 象) as ti (substance) and the five phases (xing) 
as yong (function)” – a concept that had been developed by the philosopher and 
cosmologist Shao Yong 邵 雍 (1011-1077) during the eleventh century. The 
articles by Shi Yunli and Lü Lingfeng investigate important episodes and events 
in the history of Chinese astronomy. Shi Yunli 石云里 gives a detailed account 
on the complex process of the production, publication and reception of Nikolaus 
Smogulecki (Mu Nige 穆 尼 閣, 1611-1656) and Xue Fengzuo’s 薛 鳳 祚 (1600-
1680) Tianbu zhenyuan 天 步 眞 原 (True Principles of the Pacing of the Heav-
ens), i.e. the work by which Chinese astronomers and scholars for the first time 
came in contact with elements of Copernican heliocentrism. Shi Yunli makes 
clear that the dissemination of this new knowledge was severely handicapped by 
both the unofficial status and the bad quality of Smogulecki and Xue’s books. Lü 
Lingfeng 吕 凌 峰 shows how around 1731 the Jesuits’ precision in the predic-
tion of solar and lunar eclipses was dramatically improved and thus contributed 
decisively to the final victory of European astronomy in China. Nonetheless, 
astronomy continued to be a pragmatic tool for fulfilling the ritual and political 
role of the imperial Bureau of Astronomy and did not become a branch of know-
ledge that aimed to explore the real principles of the celestial motions through 
careful observation. In her own contribution, Catherine Jami explores the rela-
tionship between Western learning and imperial scholarship by concentrating on 
the Kangxi emperor’s scientific interests. The emperor considered mathematics, 
in particular, as the key to mastering a number of technical fields, and the means 
by which he could get a personal grip on matters regarded as crucial for state-
craft, while at the same time showing him in full control of the Qing empire. In 
addition, Catherine Jami urges for a distinction between “science as action” and 
“science as discourse”. These two concepts, she argues, may be useful to the 
modern historian for distinguishing between different modes of scientific atti-
tudes adopted or held by various social groups or actors during the Qing period. 
An instance of “science as discourse” is the eighteenth-century integration of the 
sciences into evidential scholarship, while the specialised officials’ work on 
reforming the calendar and mapping the empire should be considered as exam-
ples of “science as action”. 
8 
 
The four papers published in this issue were first presented at the 11th Inter-
national Conference on the History of Science in East Asia, held by our society 
in Munich, Germany, from August 15-20, 2005. We are happy that this issue of 
EASTM could be finished just shortly before the 12th International Conference 
in Baltimore, which, no doubt, will produce similar highlights in the field.   
The publication of these four articles and two book reviews would not have 
been possible with the intensive collaboration of the guest editor, the authors, the 
anonymous referees, and my editorial collaborators in Cambridge and Tübingen. 
As four of the three articles came from Chinese scholars for whom English is a 
much more distant language than for us, the final revising by John Moffett was 
particularly intensive this time. To him and to all the other collaborators and 
contributors mentioned we owe our gratitude for this new issue of EASTM.  
 
 
Hans Ulrich Vogel 
Institute for Asian and Oriental Studies 
Department of Chinese and Korean Studies 
Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
NEW WEBSITE FOR ISHEASTM! 
 
Please note that our society has a new website much superior to the old one! To 
see it, please go to: 
 
www.nri.org.uk/ISHEASTM.html 
 
 


Note from the Editor 

Sivin, Nathan

143 Reviews 
Michel Strickmann, Chinese Magical Medicine, ed. Bernard Faure. Stanford: 
Stanford University Press (Asian Religions and Cultures), 2002. xii, 418 
pp., 14 ill. 
 
Nathan Sivin 
 
[Nathan Sivin is Professor of Chinese Culture and of the History of Science 
Emeritus, University of Pennsylvania. He recently completed Granting the Sea-
sons, a translation and study of the Shou shi li 授 時 曆 (1280).] 
 
 
Why it should be desirable to review a book on magical medicine in this journal 
may not be intuitively obvious.  
Joseph Needham and Lu Gwei-djen once asserted that, although at times the 
imperial court valued “magico-religious techniques”, such phenomena remained 
marginal, for “from the beginning Chinese medicine was rational through and 
through.”1 They and their contemporaries defined early medicine as any precur-
sor to the professional, science-based knowledge of today. But that definition, 
and the faith that early practitioners were striving toward medicine as we know it, 
expired a generation ago.  
Since then, historians have turned their attention away from medicine in this 
narrow teleological sense and toward health care. That rubric includes all the 
means a culture offers to maintain health, cure illness, and help the body to re-
cover from injury, from self-care to faith healing to the work of theoreticians. 
This widening of focus has led scholars to recognize the constant interaction in 
imperial China between therapists high and low, as well as the ubiquity of sym-
bolic therapy and social ritual in all healing. Even today, physicians—no matter 
how rusty their biochemistry—take on the mantle of the laboratory scientist by 
manipulating technical symbols, and wear that of the ritualist in their highly 
structured encounters with patients.  
Equally to the point, Strickmann’s book is not about magical medicine. Its 
editor tells me that the title was the author’s choice, but it is an odd one. “Magic” 
commonly refers to non-religious rites meant to change events or affect the 
course of nature using occult or secret knowledge. Since truly secular ritual for 
that purpose is rare in pre-modern societies, cultural anthropologists have largely 
stopped using the term.2  
The book is actually about an unambiguously religious subject, the great in-
fluence of Tantric Buddhism from the third to the eleventh century on healing in 
                                                 
1
 Needham and Lu (1970), p. 268.  
2
 This was natural after S. J. Tambiah’s (1968) demonstration that Bronislaw Mali-
nowski’s classic study of magic (1925) ignored the religious beliefs implicit but unmis-
takable in Malinowski’s own field notes. The information about Strickmann’s title comes 
from an email from B. Faure, 2005.10.19. 
144 EASTM 26 (2007) 
Chinese and Japanese popular religion, in certain Taoist movements, and in the 
high tradition of Chinese medicine. In previous publications Strickmann has 
taken up the first and second varieties of influence and has encouraged contribu-
tions on them by others.3 This volume puts the third kind squarely into the pic-
ture. In combination with other recent publications, it implies that the time has 
come to revise our understanding of classical Chinese medicine. Acknowledging 
its rich occult, spiritual, and popular content will make for better history.  
All of Strickmann’s scholarship was distinguished by his ability to boot the 
conventional wisdom aside and make fresh sense of old conundrums, frequently 
with sarcasm and always with wit. This book fits the pattern. The merit accrues 
not only to the author, but to Bernard Faure. Well known for the fresh light he 
has cast on Japanese Buddhism, Faure has turned two of the three manuscripts 
Strickmann left on his sudden and untimely death in 1994 into important books: 
this one and one on Chinese written oracles. In both he has preserved the author’s 
voice.4  
It is odd that Faure lists the author as a professor at Berkeley; Strickmann 
died as Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Bordeaux. Originally a 
pioneer of modern Taoist studies, in his last decade or so he particularly studied 
the Buddhist scriptures cast in Indian sutra form but written in China. Strickmann 
realized that they make it possible to reconstruct the practice and oral traditions 
of Chinese Buddhists, and ultimately to illuminate the social history of Chinese 
religion.  
From very early times, Chinese were convinced that a society of gods lived in 
close proximity to that of humans. As the Han order fell apart from c. AD 100 on, 
people increasingly interpreted the prevalence of suffering as the work of spirits 
resentful because they had been mistreated in life or had not been ritually laid to 
rest. Medicine provided a language for discourse about this danger, in which the 
world was “inhabited by perilous beings personifying breath and semen—
phantom panting, demonized gasps, spectral sighs, lurking halitosis, walking 
nightmares, marauding wet-dreams, galloping nocturnal omissions.” The “corpse-
demons (shi 尸)” that Ge Hong’s 葛 洪 formulary of c. 340 described were “in-
ternal embodiments of potential evil”, to be controlled by a “full-scale pharmaco-
                                                 
3
 In addition to the Festschrift he (1981-1985) assembled for Rolf Stein, Strickmann 
inspired a number of Berkeley Ph.D.’s who have made important contributions in this 
area. When I speak of the high medical tradition, I refer to yi 醫, therapeutic doctrine and 
practice cumulatively recorded by literate authors. As this review indicates, there was 
ample room in it for thought and therapy that was neither secular nor a regular part of 
elite practice.  
4
 The third of the three is Chinese Poetry and Prophecy (2005); the first was Mantras 
et mandarins (1996, English translation forthcoming), edited by Brigitte Steinmann.  
145 Reviews 
chemical battle”.5 Ge knew nothing but scuttlebutt about the Taoist organizations 
of his time. He rummaged in popular religious beliefs for his arcane knowledge, 
and recast their curative rites into secular form.6  
An outcome of the Han order’s collapse was diverse religious movements—
from the original Celestial Masters on—that modern historians lump together as 
Taoism. Every one of them took their impetus from the conviction that the world 
would soon end. One of the signs of this final phase was the spread of illness. For 
the Celestial Masters, all disease was really sin, and could be cured only by con-
fession. In the late fourth-century revelations that grounded what became the 
Supreme Purity movement, illness could result from the immoral behavior of 
one’s ancestors, and the spectral resentment of those they had grievously harmed. 
Sufferers could not know the origin of this pathology, much less confess it. They 
depended on Taoist masters. The latter, who had authority in the world of spirits, 
could trace the origin of their clients’ suffering and settle lawsuits in the courts of 
the dead to end the mischief.  
Mahayana sutras, which often made illness the result of demonic attacks, went 
even further to absolve the sick from blame. Eventually believers in the Tao 
could use drugs and other conventional therapies for disease that was not due to 
moral failing or the resentment of shades. That explains why the Supreme Purity 
patriarch, Tao Hongjing 陶 弘 景 (c. 500), became the leading author of his time 
on materia medica. In his career, religion and classical medicine were intimately 
conjoined.  
A crucial round of changes in occult therapy, from the second to the twelfth 
century, resulted from evolving forms of Tantric Buddhism. They reached a high 
point in the early eighth century through feats of translation and writing in which 
the esoteric master Yixing 一 行 (whom historians of science know only as a 
great astronomer) took a prominent part. The scriptures of this tradition offered 
great spiritual power to their practitioners, power that attracted Taoist and popu-
lar masters. The outcome was a new kind of curing that depended on dramatic, 
“militaristic” exorcisms in which the operator confronted, interrogated, and ban-
ished possessing demons.7 Curers learned a range of Tantric weapons against the 
malevolence of spirits: spells chanted or “roared out” (p. 113), pictorial seals 
impressed on the patient’s body, seal patterns formed by hand gestures, and so on. 
There remain “only texts and echoes” of most such practices in China, but Tantra 
lives on, with “vast archives”, in Japan (p. 200).  
How about the high tradition of medicine? Did physicians reject these reli-
gious phenomena? Strickmann is sufficiently familiar with the medical literature 
to show that they did nothing of the kind. Donald Harper and others have shown 
                                                 
5
 Zhouhou bei ji fang 肘 後 備 急 方 is the title of most modern editions, based on a 
version greatly expanded c. 500 and again in 1144. See the attempt at reconstruction in 
Shang Zhijun 尚 志 鈞 (1983), pp. 20-22. 
6
 See p. 24 in the volume under review, and Sivin (1978/1995), pp. 323-327.  
7
 Such exorcisms are the subject of Edward Davis’s (2001) important recent book.  
146 EASTM 26 (2007) 
that the oldest medical manuscripts are rich in occult methods. It has also been 
clear for a long time that the pathology of ghosts, possession, and demonic qi 
remained very much at home in medical classics after Ge and Tao. Spiritual pa-
thology is quite visible in Zhu bing yuan hou lun 諸 病 源 候 論 (p. 610), which 
set the standard for etiology and symptomatology up to the twelfth century. From 
then on, elite medicine, as it played an increasing part in literati culture, distanced 
itself from popular and unorthodox religion. Nevertheless, their centrality in 
health care—still largely unstudied—persisted even in the Qing era.8 Healing by 
priests and monks, by the end of the empire, remained the only sophisticated 
therapy available to the great majority. Strickmann closes with a challenge (p. 
281):  
 
The historian of medicine, for his part, will find proof (if 
proof is needed) of the intrinsic theatricality of patient-
healer relations. Whether drawn from fourth-century Taoists, 
eighth-century Tantric Buddhists, or twentieth-century ver-
nacular exorcists, the East Asian data simply reinforce a vi-
sion that will soon be accepted as obvious: Ancient or mod-
ern, Eastern or Western, secular or sacred, all healing pivots 
on a vital axis of ritual. 
 
Scandalous though that prediction would have seemed in 1970, historians famil-
iar with medical anthropology already recognize that this is as true of today’s 
European primary care physician in her clinic as it was of the Chinese popular 
priest in his temple and of the classical physician in the sickroom.  
Faure deserves great credit for making this volume available with full docu-
mentation, which the manuscript lacked. The complete omission of Chinese char-
acters will make the book much less convenient for those who wish to carry on 
this pioneering work, but one can only be grateful for its high quality in every 
other respect. 
 
 
References 
 
Cho, Philip S. (2005). “Ritual and the Occult in Chinese Medicine and Religious 
Healing: The Development of Zhuyou Exorcism.” Ph. D. dissertation, His-
tory and Sociology of Science, University of Pennsylvania. 
Davis, Edward L. (2001). Society and the Supernatural in Song China. Hono-
lulu: University of Hawai’i Press.  
                                                 
8
 For the relations of medicine and religious ritual in the Ming and Qing periods, see 
the dissertation of Philip S. Cho, just completed.  
147 Reviews 
Malinowski, Bronislaw (1925). “Magic, Science, and Religion,” in Rodney 
Needham (ed.), Science, Religion and Reality. London: The Sheldon Press, 
pp. 19-84. 
Needham, Joseph, and Lu Gwei-djen (1970). “Medicine in Chinese Culture,” in 
Clerks and Craftsmen in China and the West. Lectures and Addresses on 
the History of Science and Technology. Cambridge: Cambridge University 
Press, pp. 263-293.  
Shang Zhijun 尚 志 鈞 (1983). Bu ji zhou hou fang 補 輯 肘 後 方 (Reconsti-
tuted and supplemented handy formulas). Hefei: Anhui kexue jishu chuban-
she. 
Sivin, Nathan (1978/1995). “On the Word Taoism as a Source of Perplexity. 
With Special Reference to the Relations of Science and Religion in Tradi-
tional China.” History of Religions 17: 303-330, reprinted in Sivin (1995).  
———. (1995). Medicine, Philosophy and Religion in Ancient China. Re-
searches and Reflections. Aldershot, Hants: Variorum (Variorum Collected 
Studies Series).  
Strickmann, Michel (1981-1985). Tantric and Taoist Studies in Honor of R. A. 
Stein. Bruxelles: Institut belge des hautes études chinoises, 3 vols. 
———. (1996). Mantras et mandarins. Le bouddhisme tantrique en Chine. Bri-
gitte Steinmann (ed.). Paris: Gallimard (Bibliothèque des sciences humai-
nes). 
———. (2002). Chinese Magical Medicine. Bernard Faure (ed.). Stanford: Stan-
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———. (2005). Chinese Poetry and Prophecy. The Written Oracle in East Asia. 
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Note from the Guest Editor: Special Issue Society and Illness in Early Modern Japan

Rhythms of Medicine and Community in Late Sixteenth Century Japan: Yamashina Tokitsune (1543-1611) and his Patients

Contents

Contents

Nikolaus Smogulecki and Xue Fengzuo's True Principles of the Pacing of the Heavens: Its Production, Publication, and Reception

Editorial

Alain Arrault and Catherine Jami (eds.), Science and Technology in East Asia. Proceedings of the "th International Congress of History of Science

Four Elements as Ti and Five Phases as Yong: The Historical Development from Shao Yong's Huangji jingshi to Matteo Riccis Qiankun tiyi

Note from the Editor

Michel Strickmann, Chinese Magical Medicine, ed. Bernard Faure

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