Anti-Trafficking Review
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Armed Conflict-induced Displacement and Human Trafficking in the Sahel: Organised crime, vulnerabilities, and the accountability of non-state armed groups
Full text linkAlthough organised criminal networks and non-state armed groups (NSAGs) have historically exploited conflict situations to commit various crimes, the extent of human trafficking by these entities in the Sahel has barely been interrogated in academic literature. In principle, while states have an obligation to criminalise trafficking in persons, problems arise where the state has lost parts of its territory to NSAGs or is facing ongoing conflicts with such groups. Boko Haram, for instance, controlled a large swath of territory in Northeast Nigeria from 2009 to 2015, with evidence of human trafficking. Therefore, this paper examines two specific aspects of human trafficking in the Sahel conflicts: trafficking by organised criminals and trafficking by NSAGs, especially terrorist organisations. It argues that while domestic laws may be useful in combating trafficking linked to organised criminal networks, the traditional state-centric approach to human rights protection makes human trafficking governance more complicated where NSAGs are involved, especially where they exercise territorial control. The paper unpacks these complexities and highlights the deficits in existing international law treaties. It argues that customary international law could provide a solution to the anti-trafficking governance challenge in the Sahel and makes a case for the adoption of an anti-trafficking Deed of Commitment within the Geneva Call mechanism
Human Rights Due Diligence: Risks of modern slavery for workers displaced by conflict
Full text linkThis short paper outlines some of the risks of exploitation that people fleeing conflict-affected areas face when trying to access employment in countries of transit and destination. It argues that businesses have a responsibility to prevent and mitigate these risks in their operations and supply chains. Based on interviews with civil society representatives in six European countries, this paper provides a list of measures that employers can take to protect their employees from exploitation
Pay Survivors for Our Lived Experiences
No full textThis short paper argues that to address the exploitation of survivors’ labour in anti-trafficking work, it is essential to allocate funds towards compensating survivors for their contributions. This funding should prioritise paying survivors for sharing their expertise and lived experiences, which are invaluable for effective anti-trafficking efforts. Establishing a standard pay rate, commensurate with other expert consultants, would validate survivors’ roles and contributions, promoting sustainable engagement and preventing further exploitation within the anti-trafficking movement
Looking for Safe Haven in a City Torn Apart by War: Narratives of agency from internally displaced persons in the southern Philippines
Full text linkIn this paper, I interrogate the dominant representation of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in humanitarian discourse as helpless victims in need of rescue. Based on the stories of IDP women and gender diverse individuals in the Philippines affected by the Zamboanga City siege in 2013, I illustrate how they exercised agency to shape their trajectories of displacement. The capacity of Filipino IDPs to contend with their displacement is shaped by their power as bakwit (evacuees), and by their class and ethnoreligious identities. While Christian Filipino IDPs had access to material, financial, and social resources, allowing them to engage in temporary migration after displacement, Muslim Filipino IDPs with limited access to these same resources found themselves in unwanted mobility and prolonged situations of displacement. Yet, Muslim Filipino IDPs do not lack agency, as they continue to actively and consciously forge new strategies to regain a sense of home in extended exile. Ultimately, while identifying bakwit power as a useful conceptual tool to make legible how IDPs exercised control at different stages of their displacement, embracing such a framework should not negate the long history of political violence in the region that continues to keep some people on the move
Sex Trade and ‘Floating Migration’ in the Colombian Armed Conflict
Full text linkThis article analyses the dynamics of the sex trade in the context of the Colombian armed conflict. It argues that the sex trade has adapted to the conflict and its different actors and demonstrates how it operates in such constrained contexts. The article is based on ethnographic research with sex workers in Bogotá who have experience working in different conflict zones. It found that the sex trade is dynamic and that sex workers develop strategies to resist violence and adapt to the respective contexts. These sex workers are a type of ‘floating migrants’, living and surviving on the sex trade not only for the income it generates but also for the relationships they build with other sex workers, establishment managers, and combatants. The article concludes that the sex trade in Colombia did not arise as a result of the armed conflict. Rather, it is a phenomenon that exists as part of a broader market before, during, and after episodes of violence
Expansion, Fracturing, and Depoliticisation: UK government anti-trafficking funding from 2011 to 2023
No full textAnti-trafficking policy discourses and funding trajectories in the UK are developing and expanding in a fractured way. This paper demonstrates that current policies and funding allocations primarily focus on supporting specific ‘victims’ and targeting indistinct ‘criminals’, rather than addressing the broader structural issues underlying human trafficking. This focus perpetuates ignorance of harm done at other scales. Supporting migrants who meet a narrow definition of ‘victims’ effaces how government-funded projects and agencies abuse migrants and exacerbate their vulnerability to exploitation. Anti-trafficking funding from the UK’s Official Development Assistance addresses both the individual and structural scales. However, structural problems are often framed as external, neglecting the impacts of UK policies that increase the vulnerability of migrants and low-paid or casualised workers. We also demonstrate that the UK government’s anti-trafficking discourse and funding are increasingly fractured along spatial lines, with a limited emphasis on the rights of exploited individuals outside the UK coinciding with attacks on the rights of migrants inside. Instead of narrow, depoliticised anti-trafficking discourses, it is vital to critique government policies that cause structural harm and amplify migrants’ vulnerability to exploitation. This could involve defunding certain government activities that increase vulnerabilities rather than merely expanding individual-level funding
Re-politicising Anti-Trafficking: Migration, labour, and the war in Ukraine
Full text linkDrawing on multi-method research, this article demonstrates that the risks of large-scale trafficking due to the war in Ukraine were mitigated by granting Ukrainians more extensive rights than typically afforded to refugees. This shows the advantages of rights-based approaches to migration and labour exploitation. We draw on Bakhtin’s and Žižek’s work on the carnivalesque to argue that mainstream anti-trafficking initiatives—which are depoliticised and able to win support and funding from across the political spectrum—often serve merely as theatrical and distracting sideshows diverting attention from more impactful activities and the normalised exploitation within capitalism. However, avoiding trafficking is insufficient if Ukrainian citizens and residents still endure exploitative conditions. A weakened legal framework for workers’ rights within Ukraine alongside inadequate labour protections across Europe have facilitated such exploitation. In contrast to the depoliticised stance of the anti-trafficking industry, this article concludes that more explicitly political actions supporting migrants’ rights, workers’ rights, and access to welfare and public services will not only more effectively challenge trafficking but also prevent other exploitation of migrants
Understanding EU Funding of Anti-Trafficking Initiatives: Where is the money (not) going?
No full textCritical trafficking scholars have questioned the staggering and ever-rising scale of financial investments in the anti-trafficking industry. While many analyses have focused on the United States, considerably less attention has been devoted to anti-trafficking funding provided by the European Union (EU). This paper draws on an analysis of the results of several EU programmes funding anti-trafficking actions during the 2014–2020 programming period. It describes the type of projects and organisations funded, the countries involved, the amounts awarded, and the potential reoccurrence of funding toward specific organisations. It also presents the findings of a survey of European NGOs working in the field of anti-trafficking to investigate approved and rejected projects, the reasons for rejection, and the key challenges faced in accessing EU funding. The overarching aim is to better understand funding trends against the backdrop of EU anti-trafficking policy priorities
Targeted Funding for Anti-Trafficking Initiatives: An evidence-based anti-oppressive approach
No full textCommunity-driven research is key to creating evidence-based collaborative systems that meet the multifaceted needs of human trafficking survivors and address oppressions that create vulnerabilities to human trafficking. Programmes and solutions require money and evidenced-informed processes, or they risk investing in systems that will not meet the needs of the intended target populations. This paper reflects on how a community-initiated research project influenced funding to enhance anti-trafficking work in a Midwestern US state. We urge other regions to adopt this model of research and resource allocation in their own anti-trafficking efforts
Of House and Home: The meanings of housing for women engaged in criminalised street-based sex work
Full text linkDespite emerging as a core concern for street-based sex workers participating in prostitution diversion programmes (PDPs), housing has received limited empirical attention. In this article, we explore the meanings of housing in the context of court-affiliated PDPs in the US cities of Baltimore and Philadelphia based on interviews and focus groups with 31 PDP participants and 32 criminal legal system professionals. Three themes emerged: (a) housing precarity and crisis mode, (b) housing as a foundation, and (c) housing as an idea(l). PDPs prioritise therapeutic interventions targeting individual behaviours and attitudes over meeting basic needs, often placing programme participants in substandard housing and removing them from existing networks of support. Such prioritisation, which often conflicts with participants’ expressed preferences, does not always leave them better off in the short or long term. PDPs’ neglect of the quality, type, and meaning of housing reveals and reinforces a fundamental disregard for people in street-based sex trade as multifaceted, agentic human beings. We conclude that programmes must prioritise home as a ‘comfort zone’ that must be afforded to all people