Anti-Trafficking Review
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Giving us the ‘Biggest Bang for the Buck’ (or Not): Anti-trafficking government funding in Ukraine and the United Kingdom
The focus of this paper is on government anti-trafficking policies and funding allocations in two case-study countries, Ukraine and the United Kingdom (UK). The paper discusses specific ways, or ‘vectors’, in which human trafficking has been discursively constructed by national policies and the solutions that have been offered to counteract it. It relies on publicly available information and information obtained via Freedom of Information requests from public authorities in these countries to explore the extent to which anti-trafficking funding allocated by national governments supports or unsettles such representations. A broader definition of human trafficking has been encoded into anti-trafficking policies in Ukraine, implicating migratory pressures and violation of irregular migrants’ human rights as the root causes of trafficking. However, the ability of the government to act upon this definition is limited by the ongoing socio-economic and political crises in Ukraine. This is in comparison to the politicised construction of trafficking by the UK government as a threat from international organised crime and ‘illegal’ immigration. The paper concludes that governments in both countries put their anti-trafficking money where ‘their mouths are’: crime, immigration and victim care in the UK, and awareness raising, victim care and training of ‘frontline professionals’ in Ukraine.Dándonos el "Mayor Rendimiento al Menor Coste" (o No): Financiación nacional contra la Trata en Ucrania y Reino UnidoResumenEste artículo se centra en la políticas gubernamentales contra la trata y la asignación financiera en dos países a modo de estudio de caso, Ucrania y Reino Unido. En concreto se discuten las vías específicas, o "vectores", que en el ámbito de las políticas nacionales se han ido formulando para afrontar el problema de la trata de seres humanos, así como las soluciones que se han ido proponiendo para neutralizarlo. Para ello se toma la información pública disponible y aquella obtenida a través de solicitudes a los Servicios de Información Pública en estos países, para determinar si el alcance de las líneas de financiación de los gobiernos contribuyen a apoyar o perjudicar sus propias conceptualizaciones del problema. Una definición más amplia de la trata de personas se ha introducido en Ucrania, que identifica como las causas fundamentales de la trata las presiones migratorias y las violaciones de los derechos humanos de migrantes irregulares. Sin embargo, la capacidad de actuación del gobierno en esta línea se ve limitada por la continua crisis socio-económica y política que afronta el país. Por su parte, el gobierno de Reino Unido realiza una construcción política de la trata de personas como una amenaza al crimen organizado y a la inmigración "ilegal". El artículo concluye que los gobiernos de ambos países sustentan económicamente las acciones que más les interesan: crimen, inmigración y apoyo a las víctimas en Reino Unido, y campañas de sensibilización, apoyo a las víctimas y entrenamiento de los "profesionales en primera línea" en Ucrania
Who Funds Re/integration? Ensuring sustainable services for trafficking victims
This article discusses the critical importance of re/integration services in the lives of trafficked persons and as central to an effective anti-trafficking response. It outlines how support and resources for re/integration services have so far not been widely available and the impact of this on trafficked persons. The article also discusses different strategies used within one re/integration initiative—the Trafficking Victims Re/integration Programme (TVRP)—to promote sustainable re/integration services given the limited (and now declining) funding for re/integration in the Balkans. These strategies, which have met varying degrees of success, include: (1) advocating for government funding; (2) leveraging private-sector funding and contributions; and (3) establishing social enterprises to fund re/integration services. The article concludes by advocating greater attention to re/integration services for trafficked persons, including working creatively and collaboratively with civil society, government, the private sector and donors, to ensure that re/integration services are conceptualised, implemented and funded in ways that are sustainable and, thus, offer critical support to trafficked persons.¿Quién financia la re/integración? Asegurando servicios sostenibles para las víctimas de trataResumenEste artículo estudia la importancia de los servicios de re/integración en las vidas de las personas objeto de la trata como un aspecto central en la respuesta efectiva a este fenómeno. Se parte de la idea de que los recursos y la asistencia en los servicios de re/integración no han estado abiertamente disponibles y cómo este hecho ha afectado a las víctimas. El texto también expone diferentes estrategias que se han utilizado en una iniciativa de re/integración -el Programa de Re/integración de Víctimas de Trata (TVRP por sus siglas en inglés)- para promover la sostenibilidad de los servicios de re/integración, teniendo en cuenta la limitada (y ahora en descenso) financiación para la re/integración en los Balcanes. Estas estrategias, que han incluido diversos niveles de éxito, incluyen: 1) abogar por la financiación gubernamental; 2) potenciar la contribución y financiación por parte del sector privado; y 3) establecer empresas sociales para financiar los servicios de re/integración. El artículo concluye defendiendo una mayor atención a los servicios de re/integración para las personas objeto de la trata, incluyendo propuestas de trabajo creativas y en colaboración con la sociedad civil, gobiernos, sector privado y donantes, para asegurar que los servicios de re/integración sean conceptualizados, implementados y financiados de forma sostenible y, por tanto, sean capaces de ofrecer una asistencia imprescindible a las personas objeto de la trata
OECD and Modern Slavery: How much aid money is spent to tackle the issue?
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) donor countries spend millions of dollars each year on programmes to end modern slavery across the globe. Exactly how much is spent, however, has previously been unclear. The Walk Free Foundation has conducted research to estimate how much these countries are spending.This article examines international spending on modern slavery programmes by twelve OECD countries, explores how countries report on modern slavery funding and, ultimately, hopes to serve as a building block for broader discussions about donor spending on anti-slavery initiatives.A major finding of the article is that between 2003 and 2012, donor countries contributed a combined average of USD 124 million annually, predominantly funding projects in Southeast Asia, Eastern Europe and Sub-Saharan Africa.La OCDE y las formas modernas de esclavitud: ¿cuánta ayuda monetaria se destina a afrontar el problema?ResumenTodos los años, los países donantes de la Organización de Cooperación y Desarrollo Económicos (OCDE) gastan millones de dólares en programas destinados a acabar con las formas modernas de esclavitud en todo el mundo; no obstante, la cantidad exacta de este gasto no ha quedado clara hasta la fecha. La Walk Free Foundation ha llevado a cabo una investigación destinada a calcular cuánto están gastando estos países.Este artículo analiza el gasto internacional en programas relacionados con las formas modernas de esclavitud realizado por doce países de la OCDE, analiza cómo informan los países acerca de la financiación en esta materia y, en última instancia, tiene la esperanza de servir como piedra angular para generar debates a mayor escala acerca del gasto de los donantes en iniciativas contra la esclavitud.Uno de los mayores descubrimientos del artículo es que, entre 2003 y 2012, los países donantes aportaron una media combinada de 124 millones de dólares anuales, destinados en su mayoría a financiar proyectos en el sureste de Asia, en el este de Europa y en el África subsahariana
Debate: Lessons Learnt from 10 Years and USD 50 million of Grant Making to End Human Trafficking
On 26 September 2013, Humanity United, with our partners Legatum Foundation and Walk Free, announced the creation of the USD 100 million Freedom Fund to combat human trafficking around the world. This fund is the first of its kind, organised by three private foundations and borne in part from Humanity United’s experience as a donor over the past decade, during which time we provided more than USD 50 million to fund anti-trafficking efforts globally.During this time, we also worked closely with the donor community as well as organisations and activists working on the frontlines of the struggle to end human trafficking. Over this period, four themes have emerged that help us better understand how to more effectively work and provide grants to combat human trafficking
Debate: Money, Money, Money
The question: ‘What would be the best way to use ten million dollars?’ leads to many other questions when related to anti-trafficking work.What should the money be spent on? Who should be appointed to spend the money? And, perhaps most importantly, who should be the beneficiaries? In other words, are the ten million dollars to prevent trafficking of people meant for activities to stop smuggling of people, to stop unwanted migrants, or to protect and uphold people’s rights when they move across borders and need to be protected from trafficking? Would the money be best spent on anti-trafficking work, or would it be better spent on strengthening the rights of all migrants to minimise the risk of trafficking
Where is the Funding for Anti-Trafficking Work? A look at donor funds, policies and practices in Europe
Little is known about the amount of money spent on anti-human-trafficking programmes today, much less what the impact of this funding is. As precise information is largely lacking, available data mainly derives from organisational experiences from the field. As the author works for La Strada International, a Europe-based non-governmental organisation (NGO) network against trafficking in human beings, this article focuses on funding in Europe, reflecting the experience of anti-trafficking NGOs concerning funding patterns, current donors, donor policies and criteria, and, where possible, how this has impacted La Strada’s work. The article looks at (inter)governmental, public and private funding, looking at problematic policies to do with geographical restrictions or restrictions on what funds can be spent on. Throughout the region there are inefficiencies in funding and a great need for impact evaluations to ensure future funds are well spent.It is difficult to find out how much funding currently goes to anti-trafficking work and how much has been spent in the past. There is no adequate overview available of funding given to anti-trafficking work, globally or at regional levels, though attempts are being made by different stakeholders, including the Global Fund to End Slavery and the European Commission (EC), to estimate amounts granted and in the latter case to also define the impact of such grants.This article looks at trends in funding for non-governmental organisations (NGOs) providing counter-human-trafficking programmes and services since the 1990s, particularly through the lens of a large NGO network based in Europe, La Strada International (LSI). The article looks at donors, their policies and criteria and, where possible, how this has impacted NGO work, particularly that of the La Strada network.¿Dónde está la financiación para el trabajo contra la trata? Revisando los fondos de los donantes, políticas y prácticas en EuropaResumenEn la actualidad, se conoce muy poco sobre la cantidad de dinero gastado en programas contra la trata, y mucho menos cuál ha sido el impacto de esta financiación. A falta de información más precisa, los datos disponibles se derivan, en gran parte, de la experiencia de las organizaciones especializadas. Puesto que la autora trabaja para La Strada International, una coordinadora de ONGs con sede en Europa trabajando en contra la de trata de seres humanos, este artículo se centra en la financiación en Europa, reflejando la experiencia de ONGs contra la trata en relación a los patrones de financiación, donantes actuales, políticas de los donantes y sus criterios incluyendo, siempre que sea posible, cómo estos factores han impactado en el trabajo de La Strada. El artículo se centra en la financiación tanto internacional como gubernamental, ya sea pública o privada, buscando las problemáticas políticas relativas a las restricciones geográficas, o en qué debe o no gastarse el dinero. En esta región, existen ineficiencias en la financiación y una gran necesidad de realizar evaluaciones de su impacto, que aseguren que los futuros fondos sean gastados correctamente
In the Eyes of the Beholder: Border enforcement, suspect travellers and trafficking victims
Over the past decade, the border and border policing has figured as central to identifying and responding to trafficking. This article draws on original research into immigration officers’ decision-making — both at the border and within the nation — to identify the persistent preoccupation with suspect travellers. Examining research in Australia and Thailand that spans seven years, the article brings together research that demonstrates the predominance of the binary category of victim of trafficking/unlawful migrant worker and highlights the ambiguity of daily decision-making processes that categorise women who come into contact with immigration authorities. While the policy rhetoric is based on categories and risk profiles for identifying suspected victims of trafficking or those deemed at risk, we contribute to the growing body of work that has highlighted the presence of gendered and racialised stereotypes in immigration decision-making and consider implications this may have on women’s mobility across and within borders
Immigration Policy Reform in the United States: Reframing the enforcement discourse to fight human trafficking and promote shared prosperity
At the time of this writing, the United States Senate has passed the Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act (S. 744). The bill is the product of countless political compromises and would significantly transform the U.S. immigration system. This paper explores shortcomings in U.S. immigration policy, deconstructs provisions in the bill, and makes policy proposals that would protect and empower migrants who interface with the U.S. immigration system in dangerous and under-regulated environments at the border and in sending communities, in labour recruitment networks, and in the U.S. workforce. Ultimately, the paper seeks to continue an ongoing conversation that challenges the criminalisation of migration which perpetuates vulnerability, and instead forwards rights-based policies that would promote shared prosperity
From the Horn of Africa to the Middle East: Human trafficking of Eritrean asylum seekers across borders
Each month hundreds of men, women, and children flee Eritrea as a result of grave violations of human rights committed by the Eritrean government. Travelling across borders, an estimated 36,000 Eritreans have been smuggled to Israel over the past seven years. For 31 per cent of those interviewed for this research, their migration involved abduction and forced movement for extortion among other abuses. Migrants have been abducted in Eastern Sudan near the border with Eritrea and then sold to criminal gangs along the Sudan-Egypt border. The gangs forcibly hold the migrants captive in the Northern Sinai desert. Many who made the journey reported being held hostage and subjected to brutal treatment in Eastern Sudan and the Northern Sinai desert, including gang rape of men and women, whipping, and various other methods of physical and psychological torture. Although not a traditional trafficking scenario, this paper explores the phenomenon in relation to borders. Intricate trafficking networks have exploited refugee outflows from Eritrea, turning the area around the Sudanese side of the Eritrea-Sudan border into a breeding ground for abductions, aggravated smuggling, and trafficking. While crossing borders to claim asylum may facilitate some protection from abuses perpetrated by the Eritrean government, it has created a new set of challenges for Eritrean migrants who now must find protection and safety from kidnappers. While refugees must cross borders to find safety, those same borders create the circumstances for trafficking networks to operate. Unless the dynamics of those involved changes, human rights abuses such as extortion, torture and human trafficking in Eastern Sudan and Sinai are expected to continue
Managing Migration: Is border control fundamental to anti-trafficking and anti- smuggling interventions?
Over the last several decades, globalisation and a growing concern over security issues, including transnational crime and terrorism, has shaped migration policies and the priorities of states. As migration rose to the top of many government agendas, a rapid tightening and regularisation of borders ensued in an attempt to keep undesirable, high-risk migrants out of potential destination countries. Concomitantly, transnational crimes, such as trafficking in persons and the smuggling of migrants, have been increasingly defined as border security problems. This article examines the extent to which border control is fundamental to anti-trafficking and anti-smuggling interventions, situating the debate within the wider nexus of globalisation and the securitisation of migration. Based upon their work with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Regional Centre for Southeast Asia and the Pacific, the authors take the standpoint that given it is the sovereign right of each state to control its border and regulate migration, the human rights of migrants must be considered within this realpolitik. Clearly, though, this claim is highly political and contentious. In the article, we explore some of the tensions and contradictions that have emerged in this debate, and then develop an argument to suggest that it is possible for states to combine managed migration and strict border controls with the protection of human rights in the current context of globalisation