FLACSO Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales): Portal de Revistas
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Géographie du Développement. Territoires et mondialisation dans les Sud (Geografías del desarrollo: territorios y mundialización en los Sures) de Jean-Louis Chaléard y Thierry Sanjuan
Reseñ
A Lei de Segurança Interna no México: entre a razão do Estado e a justificação dos direitos humanos
We present an exploratory qualitative analysis from the standpoint of Political Science about the argumentation sustained in the initiatives of the Internal Security Law (LSI) presented by the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party and the Party of the Democratic Revolution. Two operative concepts guide the analysis: reason of State and human rights, both present in the implicit justifications of those who promote the law, and in those of its detractors, who qualify it as a violation of human rights. In this last point, we concentrate on reviewing two unconstitutionality actions presented by the National Commission of Human Rights and by a group of opposition legislators who did not vote in favor of the LSI in the Sixty-Third Legislature. We aim to show the collision of arguments between the vision of the State, which wants to legally legitimize the presence of the Army in the streets, and the other vision, which assumes a guaranteeing justification of human rights.Presentamos un análisis cualitativo exploratorio-descriptivo desde la Ciencia Política acerca de la argumentación sostenida en las iniciativas de la Ley de Seguridad Interior (LSI) presentadas por el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), el Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) y el Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD). Dos conceptos operativos guían el análisis: razón de Estado y derechos humanos, presentes tanto en las justificaciones implícitas de quienes impulsan la Ley como en las de sus detractores, quienes la califican de violatoria de derechos humanos. En este último punto, nos concentramos en revisar dos acciones de inconstitucionalidad presentadas por la Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos (CNDH) y por un grupo de legisladores de oposición que no votaron a favor de la LSI en la Sexagésima Tercera Legislatura. Nos interesa mostrar la colisión de argumentos entre la visión de Estado, que quiere legitimar jurídicamente la presencia del Ejército en las calles y la otra visión, que asume una justificación garantista de los derechos humanos.
Abstract
We present an exploratory qualitative analysis from the standpoint of Political Science about the argumentation sustained in the initiatives of the Internal Security Law (LSI) presented by the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party and the Party of the Democratic Revolution. Two operative concepts guide the analysis: reason of State and human rights, both present in the implicit justifications of those who promote the law, and in those of its detractors, who qualify it as a violation of human rights. In this last point, we concentrate on reviewing two unconstitutionality actions presented by the National Commission of Human Rights and by a group of opposition legislators who did not vote in favor of the LSI in the Sixty-Third Legislature. We aim to show the collision of arguments between the vision of the State, which wants to legally legitimize the presence of the Army in the streets, and the other vision, which assumes a guaranteeing justification of human rights.Nós apresentamos uma análise qualitativa exploratória do ponto de vista da ciência política sobre o argumento apresentado nos esforços da Lei de Segurança Interna (ISA) apresentados pelos partidos políticos (PRI, PAN e PRD). Começamos com dois conceitos operacionais que orientam a análise: razões de direitos de estado e humanos que estão presentes em ambas as justificativas implícitas dos defensores da lei, como seus detratores que classificação violação dos direitos humanos. Sobre este último ponto, nós nos concentramos em analisar duas ações de inconstitucionalidade apresentada pela Comissão Nacional de Direitos Humanos (CNDH) e um grupo de parlamentares da oposição que não votaram a favor da LSI na sexagésima terceira Legislatura. O que queremos mostrar é a colisão de argumentos entre a visão do Estado que quer legalmente legitimar a presença do Exército nas ruas e a outra visão que pressupõe uma justificativa garantidora dos direitos human
Reconfiguração social: Entre a percepção da migração e insegurança em Lima, Peru
The aim of this article is to investigate how the matrix of the perception of insecurity has changed from effective criminality to immigration of Venezuelans. Thus, we explore and compare, with qualitative techniques, the actual perception of insecurity among the inhabitants of two neighborhoods in Lima (Peru): Barrio Chamo (San Juan de Luringancho) and sector 1 (San Isidro). The article proposes an outline on the imaginary construction of the safe spaces, the attackers and the construction of the 'we' as a community facing migration as the implied problem leading insecurity. The results of the comparison between the two areas show that migration has become synecdoche of a city that, amidst a process of social reassembly, has found in the Venezuelan migrant the scape goat of its social crisis.El objetivo de este artículo es analizar cómo la matriz de la percepción de inseguridad se ha desplazado de la criminalidad efectiva a la migración venezolana. Para ello, a través del empleo de técnicas cualitativas, exploramos y comparamos las actuales percepciones de inseguridad de los vecinos de dos barrios de Lima Metropolitana (Perú): el Barrio Chamo (San Juan de Lurigancho) y el sector 1 (San Isidro). Realizamos un bosquejo sobre las construcciones imaginarias de los espacios seguros, de los atacantes y de la construcción del “nosotros” como comunidad frente a la migración como el supuesto problema que encabezaría la inseguridad ciudadana. Los resultados de la comparación muestran que la migración ha devenido sinécdoque de una ciudad que, en pleno proceso de reensamblaje social, ha encontrado en el migrante venezolano al chivo expiatorio de su crisis social.
Abstract
The aim of this article is to investigate how the matrix of the perception of insecurity has changed from effective criminality to immigration of Venezuelans. Thus, we explore and compare, with qualitative techniques, the actual perception of insecurity among the inhabitants of two neighborhoods in Lima (Peru): Barrio Chamo (San Juan de Luringancho) and sector 1 (San Isidro). The article proposes an outline on the imaginary construction of the safe spaces, the attackers and the construction of the 'we' as a community facing migration as the implied problem leading insecurity. The results of the comparison between the two areas show that migration has become synecdoche of a city that, amidst a process of social reassembly, has found in the Venezuelan migrant the scape goat of its social crisis.O objetivo deste artigo é investigar como a estrutura de percepção da insegurança mudou da criminalidade efetiva para a imigração de venezuelanos. Assim, exploramos e comparamos, com técnicas qualitativas, a percepção real de insegurança entre os habitantes de dois bairros de Lima (Peru): Bairro Chamo (San Juan de Luringancho) e setor 1 (San Isidro). O artigo propõe um esboço sobre a construção imaginária do espaço seguro, os invasores e a construção da comunidade voltada para a migração como o problema implícito que leva à insegurança. Os resultados da comparação entre as duas áreas mostram que a migração se tornou sinédoque da cidade. Uma cidade que, em meio a um processo de reagrupamento social, encontrou no imigrante venezuelano o bode expiatório de sua crise social
Trayectorias de vida y ecologismos desde Suramérica. Un entrecruzamiento entre lo individual y lo colectivo
During 2013 and 2015 we carried out a research work, in the city of Córdoba, Argentina, which allowed us to identify three environmentalism currents that keep an interesting counterpoint with the currents advocated by Martinez Alier: the environmental protection, the socio-environmental rights and the life environment. In addition, we were able to trace different life paths from diverse socio-environments activists, which allowed us understand how these life paths are combined and contribute to characterize and itemize environmentalism. Throughout this paper we want to present the different life paths which we were able to identify with our research and then, to explain the intersections given between life paths and the traces and characteristic of the identified environmentalism.
Durante el 2013 y 2015 desarrollamos un trabajo de investigación, en la ciudad de Córdoba, Argentina, a partir del que pudimos identificar tres corrientes del ecologismo que mantienen un interesante contrapunto con las corrientes postuladas por Martínez Alier, la corriente de protección, la de derechos socio-ambientales y la corriente del ecologismo por la vida. Además, nos fue posible rastrar diferentes trayectorias de vida de los diversos activistas socio-ambientales, lo que nos permitió comprender como esas trayectorias individuales se conjugan y coadyuvan a caracterizar y particularizar los ecologismos reconocidos. A lo largo de este escrito buscamos presentar en primer lugar, las diferentes trayectorias de vida que hemos podido identificar en nuestro trabajo de investigación para, en un segundo momento, exponer las intersecciones que se dan entre éstas trayectorias y los rastros y características de los ecologismos identificados. 
El sentido de comunalidad y la lucha del pueblo Mixe/ The meaning of communality and the struggle of the the Mixe people
Desde de la época de la Conquista hasta nuestros días, los pueblos originarios han sido objeto de represión y violencia. Hoy, dichas tácticas continúan el proceso de asimilación occidental, la sistematización de la discriminación racial y económica, el despojo de sus territorios, el desplazamiento de las comunidades indígenas por prácticas económicas extractivas (solo por mencionar algunas). De ahí, que el presente artículo retoma la propuesta de dos ideólogos indígenas: Floriberto Díaz (Mixe) y Jaime Martínez (Zapoteca) en la re-construcción de un marco conceptual como base del estudio de las comunidades de la serranía Mixe: Tamazulápam del Espíritu Santo y Santa María Tlahuitoltepec. La conceptualización que abordan ambos autores de comunalidad, nos ayudará a comprender la lucha cotidiana de los pueblos Ayuuk-Mixes ante los diferentes y constantes embates tanto del Estado como del capitalismo-neoliberal. Igualmente, el estudio de comunalidad propone una decolonialización del pensamiento, basado en una propuesta latinoamericana de resistencia a la episteme eurocéntrica. Retomaremos la propuesta de autores como: Enrique Dussel, Walter Mignolo, Aníbal Quijano y el indianismo de J.C. Mariátegui. Creemos pertinente una re-construcción conceptual desde las realidades de los pueblos originarios como contrarespuesta, a la violencia de Estado como base para la supervivencia de los pueblos indígenas.AbstractSince the time of the Conquista, the indigenous have suffer systematically. Nowadays, the practice of violence and repression against the indigenous is constant, for example, the process of continuum assimilation of western culture, a systematic racial and economic discrimination, dispossession of their land, and economic exploitation. Therefore the present research proposes the analytical framework from two of the most representative indigenous thinkers: Floriberto Díaz (Mixe) and Jaime Martínez (Zapoteca), together, they created the study of communality, based on two indigenous communities located in the high hills of the Northwest in the state of Oaxaca, name: Santa María Tlahuitoltepec and Tamazulapam del Espíritu Santo. The conceptualization that both authors created, will help us to comprehend the daily stand of the Ayuujk-Mixes against the repression of the government and the neoliberal system. Thus the study of communality proposes to decolonialized the thought, based on a Latin-Americans resistance against the Eurocentric episteme. In this essay we will cited authors as: Enrique Dussel, Walter Mignolo, Aníbal Quijano and the indianism of J.C. Mariátegui. We believe that a conceptual re-construction from the different realities of th
La común anomalía del ejido posrevolucionario. Disonancias normativas y mercantilización de la tierra en el sur de Yucatán.
Reseña del libro La común anomalía del ejido posrevolucionario. Disonancias normativas y mercantilización de la tierra en el sur de Yucatán de Gabriela Torres-Mazuera Book review of The common anomaly of the post-revolutionary ejido. Normative dissonance and mercantilization of land in southern Yucatan by Gabriela Torres-Mazuer
Ciberdefensa y ciberseguridad, más allá del mundo virtual: modelo ecuatoriano de gobernanza en ciberdefensa/ Cyber-defense and cybersecurity, beyond the virtual world: Ecuadorian model of cyber-defense governance
Cyber-defense and cybersecurity have become key areas of strategic studies. Its current development coincides with the advent of the information society, the networks between computers and the phenomenon “Internet” whose expansion has shaped the fifth dimension of modern war and has significantly affected the daily life of the various actors in the global world. Indeed, its study becomes a task forced for the political-strategic conduct of the defense of the nations. In Ecuador these themes (widely discussed) have focused on a pragmatic dimension. This article, after an analytical-conceptual consideration of security and defense in cyberspace, proposes the configuration of a local model of governance in cyber-defense, inscribed in the current legislation. The findings show that local reflection is still incipient and interagency efforts are required for its institutionalization. La ciberdefensa y ciberseguridad se han convertido en áreas claves de los estudios estratégicos. Su desarrollo actual coincide con el advenimiento de la sociedad de la información, las redes entre computadoras y el fenómeno “Internet”, cuya expansión ha configurado la quinta dimensión de la guerra moderna y ha afectadosensiblemente la vida cotidiana de los diversos actores en el mundo global. De hecho, su estudio se convierte en una tarea obligada para la conducción político-estratégica de la defensa de las naciones. En el Ecuador, dichas temáticas (ampliamente discutidas) se han focalizado en una dimensión pragmática. El presente artículo, tras un examen analítico-conceptual de la seguridad y defensa en el ciberespacio, propone la configuración de un modelo local de gobernanza en ciberdefensa, inscrito en la normativa vigente. Los hallazgos muestran que la reflexión local es aún incipiente y se requieren esfuerzos interagenciales para su institucionalización.ABSTRACTCyber-defense and cybersecurity have become key areas of strategic studies. Its current development coincides with the advent of the information society, the networks between computers and the phenomenon “Internet” whose expansion has shaped the fifth dimension of modern war and has significantly affected the daily life of the various actors in the global world. Indeed, its study becomes a task forced for the political-strategic conduct of the defense of the nations. In Ecuador these themes (widely discussed) have focused on a pragmatic dimension. This article, after an analytical-conceptual consideration of security and defense in cyberspace, proposes the configuration of a local model of governance in cyber-defense, inscribed in the current legislation. The findings show that local reflection is still incipient and interagency efforts are required for its institutionalization
La ciberdefensa y su regulación legal en Argentina (2006-2015)/ The ciberdefense and its legal regulation in Argentina (2006-2015)
The article analyzes the place and how cyberdefense was developed within the defense system of República Argentina. To this end, the norms that have been produced on the subject during 2006 - 2015 are relieved and analyzed. The study shows that two institutions have been the most active: on one hand, stand out the regulations of the Ministerio de Defensa, and, on the other, the regulations of the Jefatura de Gabinete de Ministros. The research has a double purpose. Firstly, to favor a greater level of legislative systemacy in cyberdefense. Second, to produce substantive information for the elaboration of public policies and regional collaboration activities. The article is part of a larger investigation focused on the analysis of the different ways of regulating cyberspace. En el artículo se analiza qué lugar ocupa y cómo se desarrolló la ciberdefensa dentro del sistema de defensa de la República Argentina. Para ello, se relevan y analizan las normas que se han producido sobre la temática durante el período 2006 – 2015. El estudio permite observar que dos instituciones han sido las más activas: por un lado, se destacan las regulaciones del Ministerio de Defensa y, por el otro, las regulaciones de la Jefatura de Gabinete de Ministros. La investigación tiene una doble finalidad. En primer lugar, favorecer un mayor nivel de sistematicidad legislativa en materia de ciberdefensa. En segundo lugar, producir información sustantiva para la elaboración de políticas públicas y actividades regionales de colaboración. El artículo es parte de una investigación mayor abocada al análisis de las diferentes formas de regular el ciberespacio.ABSTRACTThe article analyzes the place and how cyberdefense was developed within the defense system of República Argentina. To this end, the norms that have been produced on the subject during 2006 - 2015 are relieved and analyzed. The study shows that two institutions have been the most active: on one hand, stand out the regulations of the Ministerio de Defensa, and, on the other, the regulations of the Jefatura de Gabinete de Ministros. The research has a double purpose. Firstly, to favor a greater level of legislative systemacyin cyberdefense. Second, to produce substantive information for the elaboration of public policies and regional collaboration activities. The article is part of a larger investigation focused on the analysis of the different ways of regulating cyberspace
Chile: consideraciones sobre el control civil de la inteligencia militar/ Chile: considerations on civil control of military intelligence
Intelligence constitutes a key aspect in the security policy of the States, both for the civil controls to which it must be subject, which will ensure the stability of democracy; as for its technical and operational contribution to other areas that have taken relevance in the globalized world. This paper is an exploratory review of the concepts that apply to the subject of control that the civil power should apply on the military intelligence function, focused on the case of Chile and its recent State Intelligence System, established and regulated from the year 2004 by Law 19.974. Also, it is intended to make explicit some deficiencies in the intelligence model, in general, and in military intelligence, in particular, focused on the poor articulation of the system, parliamentary control and its development against new threats.La inteligencia constituye un aspecto clave en la política de seguridad de los Estados, tanto por los controles civiles a los que debe estar sujeta, lo que asegurará la estabilidad de la democracia; como por su contribución técnica y operativa a otras áreas que han tomado relevancia en el mundo globalizado. En este trabajo se realiza una revisión exploratoria de los conceptos que aplican a la temática del control que el poder civil debe aplicar sobre la función de inteligencia militar, enfocado al caso de Chile y su reciente Sistema de Inteligencia del Estado, establecido y regulado desde el año 2004 por la Ley Nº 19.974. También se pretende explicitar algunas deficiencias en el modelo de inteligencia, en general, y en la inteligencia militar, en particular, centrado en la escasa articulación del sistema, el control parlamentario y su desarrollo ante nuevas amenazas.
Abstract
Intelligence constitutes a key aspect in the security policy of the States, both for the civil controls to which it must be subject, which will ensure the stability of democracy; as for its technical and operational contribution to other areas that have taken relevance in the globalized world. This paper is an exploratory review of the concepts that apply to the subject of control that the civil power should apply on the military intelligence function, focused on the case of Chile and its recent State Intelligence System, established and regulated from the year 2004 by Law 19.974. Also, it is intended to make explicit some deficiencies in the intelligence model, in general, and in military intelligence, in particular, focused on the poor articulation of the system, parliamentary control and its development against new threats