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    International Human Rights Law and Sexual Violence Against Men in Conflict Zones

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    Sexual violence is an abhorrent, and sadly prevalent, feature of many conflicts. The widespread occurrence of sexual violence has a devastating impact on the victims and society at large. Although international treaties seek to prevent such violence occurring these are often ineffectual at times of socio-political flux and therefore protection is required for the victims of these atrocities.Current discourse on sexual violence arising in conflict zones focuses almost exclusively on violence perpetrated against women and children - these groups making up the large majority of reported incidents.However, the current figures do not accurately reflect the number of male victims of sexual violence. A lack of reporting by male victims, for reasons of shame, guilt and fear of not being believed or of being denounced for what has occurred, has created an inaccurate representation of the dynamics of sexual violence in conflict zones.This lack of accurate primary data contributed to the development of a culture of silence amongst governmental organisations and NGOs on the subject of male victims. In the past decade this silence has begun to break but there still remains a reticence to fully engage with the realities of male victims of sexual violence.Efforts have been made to create international legal instruments to provide recourse for victims of sexual violence. However, the positive steps taken to develop an effective framework of legal protection have been focussed almost exclusively on the protection of female and child victims. The lack of recognition of male victims of sexual violence has resulted in an international legalblind spot that needs to be addressed.The gender imbalance of current legislation should be rectified by the UK working towards a UN General Assembly resolution recognising sexual violence against men and demonstrating the UN’s commitment to a gender-neutral approach to sexual violence.Greater protection for the victims of sexual violence can be achieved by the UK accepting the right of individual petition under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and the Convention Against Torture – allowing those whose rights under the treaty have been violated to bring their casedirectly to the treaty body.The recommendations of this paper seek to: raise awareness within the international community of the male victims of sexual violence in conflict zones; clarify the legal landscape; and provide access to legal redress for previously underrepresented victims

    Resident perceptions of the relative importance of socio-cultural, biodiversity, and commercial values in Australia\u27s Tropical Rivers - Report for the North Australia Water Futures Assessment<br />

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    EXECUTIVE SUMMARYBackground and overview of project (chapter 1):This report describes research that was commissioned by the Northern Australia Water Futures Assessment (NAWFA) Cultural and Social program. The NAWFA Cultural and Social program has funded a number of research projects to help fill some of the critical information gaps about Social and Cultural values associated with Australia&rsquo;s Northern Rivers.The TRaCK NAWFA Social and Cultural project was comprised of three research activities that were carried out by CSIRO, Charles Darwin University (CDU), James Cook University (JCU) and Griffith University (GU) as part of the Tropical Rivers and Coastal Knowledge (TRaCK) program. The three activities ran in parallel from March 2011 for a period of 12 months, and were:&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &bull; Sub-project 1 &ndash; Social and cultural values in the planning cycle (CSIRO and CDU);&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &bull; Sub-project 2 &ndash; Relative values of water for trade-offs (JCU); and&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &bull; Sub-project 3 &ndash; Developing management models for Indigenous water strategies (GU). This report relates to Sub-project 2 &ndash; Relative values of water for trade-offs.The overarching aim of this project was to improve our understanding of the Social and Cultural values associated with Australia&rsquo;s Tropical Rivers. Its specific objectives were to improve our understanding of:&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 1. the relative values of water for different stakeholder groups;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 2. the rate at which different stakeholder groups are willing to trade-off &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; economic development for those values;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 3. the extent to which stream flow and/or water quality could change before there was a &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &lsquo;significant&rsquo; impact on Social and Cultural values; and hence&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 4. the likely response of stakeholders to the consequences of upstream development scenarios and &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; to potential changes in the downstream uses of water.The project was undertaken within a limited timeframe. Although data collection processes ensured that a reasonable cross section of views were obtained, these views are not considered to be&nbsp;&nbsp; representative of the views of all residents of Northern Australia. Furthermore, although researchers have been able to conduct a relatively detailed analysis of much of the data and&nbsp; produce useful results, there is scope for further, more sophisticated analysis that may generate further insights. As such, this work should be viewed as generating &lsquo;preliminary&rsquo; findings.Generic methods (chapter 2):A hammer is not capable of fixing all building problems. Likewise, no single valuation method can be used in all situations. One needs to consider a variety of different issues, including data availability, ethical and information requirements.Social and Cultural values are only loosely associated with the market (if at all). As such, many valuation techniques (particularly those which rely on observable market prices) could not be used to asses ALL values of interest. Instead, stated preference techniques were chosen since they alone are able to assess a full range of values (irrespective of whether or not they are associated with the market).However, researchers were aware of the fact that if they used stated preference techniques to measure preferences at an individual level by asking about Willingness to Pay (WTP), and if they then added those &lsquo;preferences&rsquo; across multiple individuals (each with a different income), they would create what is &ndash; in essence &ndash; a weighted index of value (where the weights are a function of income). Researchers therefore decided to use both dollar and non-dollar denominated stated preference techniques.Sampling (chapter 3):Researchers were cognizant of the fact that the work was commissioned by NAWFA, with the overarching goal of providing information (about Social and Cultural values) to assist water planners. These planners work, almost exclusively, with local residents. So, researchers decided to assess only the &lsquo;values&rsquo; of residents in the tropical river&rsquo;s region &ndash; although great care was taken to ensure that information was collected from a broad cross-section of those residents.A questionnaire was mailed out to more than 1500 residents across Northern Australia. Researchers received 252 usable responses, which were supplemented by interviews that were conducted with 39 residents of the Upper Mitchell River, QLD. The upper part of this catchment was chosen for an intensive case study for three reasons: (1) it is in the formative stages of water policy and planning, so a study such as this was well-timed to provide information that might assist those involved in the planning process; (2) Researchers needed to ensure that data were collected from both Indigenous and non-Indigenous residents, and they had already worked with several Indigenous people in and around the upper reaches of the Mitchell, making it relatively easy to engage with various groups in a short study period of time; and (3) development issues confronting those in the Mitchell Catchment are likely to precede those in other TR catchments (with the exception of regions in and around Darwin), meaning that lessons learned from this case-study could be useful in other regions in later years.The entire sample included a smaller percentage of Indigenous people, large families, young people and people who did not go to university, than the population from which the sample was drawn. The&nbsp; sample did, however, contain observations from a broad cross-section of most of our targeted&nbsp; &lsquo;stakeholder&rsquo; groups, namely residents who depend upon the agricultural, mining, government and &lsquo;other&rsquo; sectors for income and employment, allowing many important observations to be drawn.Readers are cautioned not to simply look at aggregate measures (e.g. means), and assume that those measures can be used to draw inferences about the population at large. Instead readers should first check to see if the variable of interest is &lsquo;consistent&rsquo; across stakeholder groups. Where differences exist, readers should look at the information most pertinent to the group(s) of interest, rather than at aggregate measures. If used in this way, the information generated in this report is likely to be very useful.Readers are, however, urged to exercise extreme caution when seeking to use insights from this study to draw inferences about Indigenous values in other parts of the TR region. This is because of the relatively low number of Indigenous responses received, and the fact that most Indigenous respondents came from one small area of the TR region. But readers should even be cautious about trying to draw inferences about the values of other Indigenous people within the study area; our Indigenous sample did not include people from ALL traditional owner groups in the Upper Mitchell.Objective 1 &ndash; (chapter 4):Researchers sought to assess the relative importance which a wide variety of residents of Northern Australia place upon nine different goods/services associated with Australia&rsquo;s Tropical Rivers, including the values associated with the &lsquo;use&rsquo; (consumptive or otherwise) of rivers for: supporting human life (referred to as Life); for supporting Biodiversity; for use in Commercial ventures; for future generations (termed Bequest); for simply &lsquo;being there&rsquo; even if never used (termed Existence); for recreational Fishing; for other types of Recreation; for Aesthetics; and for Teaching.Importantly, the list of values comprised six examples of Social and Cultural values, and three examples of other (non-Social/Cultural) values. These other values were included to enable researchers to gauge the importance of Social and Cultural values RELATIVE to other &lsquo;values&rsquo;.Respondents were presented with a list of those values and asked to indicate (i) how important each was to their overall well-being; and (ii) how satisfied they were with it. When not completely satisfied, they were asked to explain why. The data were analysed using several different approaches, clearly highlighting the following:&bull; In terms of importance, the top three values identified by respondents were Biodiversity,&nbsp; Life, and Bequest.&bull; The highest satisfaction ratings were associated with Biodiversity, while Life, Bequest and&nbsp; Aesthetics were equally second highest.&bull; Many of the stated causes of dissatisfaction related to concerns about what might happen in the &nbsp; future (rather than to concerns about what was happening now).&bull; Most stakeholder groups held similar views about the ranking of values (in terms of &lsquo;importance&rsquo;) &nbsp; from highest to lowest, although some socio-demographic, economic, and sense of place factors were &nbsp; found to have a minor influence on importance scores.&bull; One of the highest policy priorities seems to be that of Commercial values. This is not&nbsp; because such values were considered to be important (they were rarely in the &lsquo;top three&rsquo;), but &nbsp; because the satisfaction scores associated with these values were so low. Evidently, the issue here &nbsp; is not one of protecting Commercial values, but of addressing problems, and concerns relating to &nbsp; the commercial use of water. Resident concerns included, but were not limited to issues associated &nbsp; with: pollution (past, present, or potential future), pricing, overuse, lack of certainty in &nbsp; supply, allocation and lack of monitoring. Interestingly, there were no systematic or predictable &nbsp; differences in the responses of different stakeholder groups in either the satisfaction scores or &nbsp; the indices of dissatisfaction associated with Commercial values; evidently respondents were &nbsp; consistently &lsquo;dissatisfied&rsquo; with this value (although for many different reasons).A small subset of respondents (interviewees) were also asked to participate in a cognitive mapping exercise &ndash; the aim being to determine the extent to which the values assessed in the survey could be viewed as complementary or competitive. Biodiversity, Life and Social/Cultural values were viewed as being largely complementary to each other. In contrast, Commercial values were consistently viewed as quite separate from &ndash; and often competitive or detrimental to &ndash; these other values (with the important exception of tourism).Objective 2 (chapter 5):Respondents were also presented with a series of (hypothetical) development &lsquo;scenarios&rsquo;. First, they were asked to indicate how much they would be willing to pay (WTP) to prevent development that would impact upon Social and Cultural values. Then they were asked to indicate how much they would be willing to accept (WTA) as compensation if development caused damage to their Social and Cultural values. Finally they were asked how much they would be willing to pay to reduce current&nbsp; development, thus increasing their opportunity to enjoy Social and Cultural values.Data were analysed using a variety of different methods, highlighting the following:1) A large proportion of respondents were strongly opposed to the development scenarios, &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; evidenced by the fact that&nbsp;- Fewer than 33 per cent of respondents indicated that they approved of the development scenarios &nbsp;&nbsp; presented in the first two scenarios &ndash; even when the impact on Social and Cultural values was &nbsp;&nbsp; relatively small.- A relatively large percentage of respondents refused to consider any trade-off at all (between &nbsp; 30% and 70%, depending upon the format of questionnaire presented).- Some respondents noted that they had already spent thousands of dollars fighting development &nbsp; proposals in and around &lsquo;their&rsquo; rivers.- Of the group that agreed to &lsquo;play&rsquo; the trade-off &lsquo;game&rsquo;, approximately 5 per cent were WTP/A &nbsp; significant sums of money to avoid damage or to &lsquo;repair&rsquo; damage to their Social and Cultural &nbsp; values) with maximum values cited in the survey of 1millionandmanyvaluesinexcessof1 million and many values in excess of 10,000. &nbsp; These maximum values generated highly skewed distributions with mean WTP/A ranging between almost &nbsp; 6000perannumperhousehold,toalmost6000 per annum per household, to almost 28,000; median values were much more modest (between 15   and 100).- More than 50 per cent of respondents indicated that they would be willing to accept a DECLINE in income if it was associated&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; with improved opportunities to enjoy their Social and Cultural values.This strong sentiment is not altogether surprising given the fact that the previous chapter clearly showed that Commercial values were, almost always, rated as being less important than some Social and Cultural values &ndash; particularly Bequest. Moreover, it is consistent with previous studies in the region (e.g. Straton and Zander, 2010).This strong sentiment may also at least partially reflect an assumption on the part of respondents that the scenarios would affect more than just Social and Cultural values (i.e. they may be assuming that the development will also impact values such as Biodiversity which are viewed by some as essentially inseparable from Social and Cultural values).2) When outliers (i.e. the very high WTP/A dollar votes) were excluded, researchers found that:- WTP was strongly linked to ability to pay, but that those on low incomes are willing to sacrifice &nbsp; a much higher proportion of their income to protect their rivers than those on high incomes (three &nbsp; to four times higher). This is also consistent with previous findings of Straton and Zander (2010).- The importance which people place on Biodiversity is, almost always, a positive and statistically &nbsp; significant determinant of their WTP to protect Social and Cultural values (reinforcing earlier &nbsp; observations about the complementarity of these values).- People&rsquo;s expressed willingness to accept compensation for &lsquo;damage&rsquo; to Social and Cultural &nbsp; values (which they are unable to prevent from occurring) is significantly higher than their &nbsp; expressed willingness to pay to avoid the damage from occurring in the first place. The potential &nbsp; policy significance of this is discussed in chapter 7 (summarised under issue 3, page vi).Objective 3 (chapter 6):Respondents were asked to consider a range of hypothetical scenarios that involved changes to stream flows and water quality in nearby rivers. Specifically, they were asked to indicate (on a five point Likert scale) how these changes would affect their satisfaction with Social and Cultural values. Analysis of the data highlighted the following issues:&bull; Any change which stops the flow of perennial rivers &ndash; even if only for a month or two &ndash; is likely &nbsp; to have a significant, negative impact on Social and Cultural values. (The term significant &nbsp; indicates that more than 50% of respondents said that such a change would either reduce or greatly &nbsp; reduce their satisfaction.)&bull; Respondents were generally positive or ambivalent about changes in stream flow which reduced dry &nbsp; periods. In other words, those who live near an intermittent river system stated that they would &nbsp; either have increased or consistent levels of satisfaction with their Social and Cultural values if &nbsp; the dry periods were shortened (or if the river becomes perennial). The important exception to this &nbsp; occurred with respect to perennial but UNPREDICTABLE flows. Perennial flows are viewed positively &ndash; &nbsp; as long as the flows are constant, or related to natural, seasonal fluctuations.&bull; Scenarios that reduce water quality (be it due to increased levels of turbidity or algae) are &nbsp; likely to create a significant negative impact on Social and Cultural values; improvements are &nbsp; likely to generate a significant positive impact.&bull; Respondents viewed reductions in water quality more negatively than reductions in stream flow, &nbsp; and were consistently more positive about scenarios that involved improvements in water quality &nbsp; than about scenarios that involved increases in stream flow. This may be at least partially due to &nbsp; the fact that respondents are used to living in regions that have extremely variable climates. &nbsp; Changes to stream flows may thus be considered somewhat &lsquo;normal&rsquo;.Concluding remarks and recommendations (Chapter 7):Objective 4 asked researchers to determine:What is the likely response of stakeholders to consequences of upstream development scenarios and to potential changes in the downstream usages of water?Chapter 4 clearly showed that Commercial values are considered to be less important than&nbsp; Biodiversity, Life and some Social/Cultural values, while chapter 5 clearly showed that at least some people are WTP substantial amounts of money to prevent development that impacts upon their&nbsp; Social/Cultural values. As such, it seems that developments which impact upon downstream usages of water are likely to be met with quite a negative reaction.The opposition is likely to be characterised by significant disquiet amongst a possibly vocal minority (those refusing to consider any trade off at all, or WTP very large sums of money to prevent the development from occurring) and a present, but less significant disquiet amongst a larger group of other residents.Those most willing to accept trade-offs for development include the wealthy and/or people who place highest values on Commercial uses of rivers; those who place a high value on Biodiversity (a significant proportion of respondents) and/or those who are relatively poor seem to be much less willing to trade their Social and Cultural values for greater income flows.Other important comments/insightsISSUE 1: Interviewee data indicates that Biodiversity, Life and Social/Cultural values are somewhat&nbsp; complementary to each other, whereas, Commercial values are almost always viewed as quite separate from &ndash; and often competitive or detrimental to &ndash; these other values (with the important exception of tourism). Moreover the larger (mail out) data set showed a strong correlation between WTP to protect Social/Cultural values and stated importance of Biodiversity values.Evidently, for many Northern Residents, the existence of biodiversity may be a necessary pre-condition for maintenance of many Social and Cultural values. Determining whether or not the existence of biodiversity is also a SUFFICIENT condition for the preservation of Social and Cultural values, stands as a vitally important topic for further, more thorough, research. Why is this so important?&bull; If the existence of high quality biodiversity values is both a necessary and sufficient condition &nbsp; for the existence of high quality socio-cultural values, then preservation of the former &nbsp; guarantees preservation of the latter. However, if the existence of high quality biodiversity &nbsp; values is a necessary, but not a sufficient condition for the existence of high quality socio- &nbsp; cultural values, then preservation of the former does not guarantee preservation of the later; &nbsp; other steps may be necessary (e.g. guaranteeing access to areas of high biodiversity value).&bull; Moreover, if the Biodiversity and Social/Cultural values that are derived from one &lsquo;area&rsquo; are &nbsp; non-rivalrous (meaning that society can benefit from both, simultaneously), then their values &nbsp; should be added together1 before being traded off against other competing uses of that &lsquo;area&rsquo;. This &nbsp; is analogous to the situation where a private property owner seeks to determine how much land to &nbsp; devote to cattle and how much to wheat: he/she should firstly estimate the value of &lsquo;cattle&rsquo; by &nbsp; considering potential income from both beef and leather, and then compare that (combined) value to &nbsp; the potential income that can be earned from the alternative (wheat). Failure to do so, would be to &nbsp; under-allocate resources (e.g. land, or in this case, possibly aquatic resources) to activities &nbsp; that generate multiple values (e.g. cattle, or in this case, possibly biodiversity and &nbsp; socio-cultural values).Until we are able to learn more about these important issues2, planners may, therefore, wish to adopt a pre-cautionary approach (as advocated by the NWI). That is, they may wish to proceed as if these values are non-rivalrous, perhaps setting aside MOREthan the &lsquo;bare minimum&rsquo; that is required to maintain biodiversity values, and also ensuring that other steps are taken to facilitate the appreciation of socio-cultural values (e.g. ensuring residents have access to important areas).ISSUE 2: Respondents were particularly concerned about changes which impact upon water quality, although those who live near perennial rivers were also very concerned about any change that would stop their stream/river flowing for even a short period each year. Moreover, comments made during focus groups and in interviews (as well as comments written on returned, mail-out questionaries) indicated that (a) many respondents have a holistic view of their environment (incorporating&nbsp; social, cultural, economic and biophysical values); (b) they did not feel as if all local environmental management issues were being dealt with effectively; and that (c) their oppositio

    Assessment of Major Spring Systems in the Oolloo Dolostone, Daly River<br />

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    Executive SummaryThe Oolloo aquifer is an important karstic aquifer in the northern part of Australia&rsquo;s Northern Territory. Its groundwater discharges into the Daly River, providing the major portion of its baseflow with flow maintained throughout the Dry season supporting the associated riverine ecosystems. This groundwater is also increasingly being extracted for agriculture. A draft Water Allocation Plan for the aquifer is to be released during early 2012 and this study comprises research into various aspects of aquifer water balance and components of the associated water cycle. It was undertaken in order to provide the most up to date scientific knowledge to support the plan.Geological investigations including reconnaissance mapping and drilling have better defined the extent of the aquifer and has confirmed a twofold subdivision into an upper, highly permeable, fractured and karstic aquifer and a lower, less permeable, mainly fractured rock aquifer. A new geological formation, the Florina Formation was also recognised and mapped. It is important because it acts as a confining layer to the Oolloo aquifer. Drilling through the Florina Formation into the top of the Oolloo aquifer has demonstrated that the Oolloo Dolostone was exposed to the atmosphere and underwent kastification prior to the deposition of the Florina Formation during the Early Palaeozoic. This explains the widespread development of the highly permeable karstic aquifer, even at depth in the central parts of the Daly Basin. The updated knowledge about the Oolloo aquifer has been used to compile a new hydrogeological map of the area.Groundwater discharge from the aquifer is largely through springs in the Daly and Katherine Rivers. They occur in places where confining layers are not present. Three main groups of springs were recognised based on location and discharge. They have been named the Katherine River, Stray Creek and Daly River spring zones. Spring discharge from the Oolloo aquifer varies considerably with time on a scale of decades due to medium term (decadal) rainfall changes.Hydrochemical investigations have indicated both upward and downward leakage of groundwaters between the Oolloo aquifer and overlying Cretaceous strata, depending on the local hydraulic gradient. Localised upward leakage from the underlying Jinduckin Formation into the Oolloo aquifer was also indicated. Nitrate concentrations in groundwater are very low. Broad trends in dissolved oxygen and iron(II) concentration, coupled with the fact that measured concentrations are so low, suggests there may be some capacity for denitrification to mitigate potential future nitrogen contamination of the groundwater.A suite of environmental tracers (222Rn, CFCs, SF6, 14C, and 4He) was used to characterise groundwater interaction between the Oolloo aquifer and Daly River. Both modern (less than about 100 years) and older (hundreds to thousands of years) waters were differentiated in the groundwater and springs. Their distribution has led to a new conceptual model of groundwater flow. At the small scale, within 1 km of the river, the Oolloo aquifer is recharged by a combination of deep drainage through surface soils and, to a lesser degree, from annual flooding and lateral flow into the aquifer. In the subsequent Dry season, discrete point source seeps provide relatively young water to the river. However, at the large scale, on the order of the Daly Basin, regional scale groundwater flow supplies water to major spring zones and most likely to submerged (concealed) seepage zones that extend downstream of Stray Creek. Along the entire section of the Stray Creek and Daly River spring zones the older regional-scale groundwater makes up approximately 35 per cent of the baseflow. In the Stray Creek spring zone it represents approximately 90 per cent of baseflow. At Oolloo Crossing, groundwater levels exhibit a hydraulic damming effect that governs interaction between the Daly River and adjacent aquifer. At this location extensive bank-storage is probably not occurring during the annual flooding.Groundwater recharge was estimated utilising environmental tracers, analysis of time-series hydraulic head data and cross sectional numerical modelling. Vertical recharge was estimated to be 17 per cent of rainfall where the massive unit of the Oolloo aquifer is close to the ground surface and 7 per cent where overlain by Cretaceous sediments. When a dual-continua approach to modelling groundwater flow and apparent age is invoked, the unique transmission and storage properties (i.e. matrix and conduit flow) of the Oolloo aquifer can be replicated. Furthermore, qualitative comparison of apparent age appears to be useful for further constraining numerical models.Recharge (and other water balance components) was also estimated using SVAT (soil-vapour-atmospheric transfer) models calibrated, where possible for soils, vegetation and land forms of the Daly River catchment. The SWAT model was tested over the Oolloo region, simulating surface runoff, soil profile water redistribution and evapotranspiration. Model outputs compared reasonably to observed data available. In addition, outputs from the WAVES model were extracted to generate a map of deep drainage (downward drainage beyond the root zone) and values of recharge ranged up to 150 mm/year with a mean of 67 mm/year (7 per cent of rainfall) in good agreement with geochemical based estimates. These models are limited by the paucity of soil data available to provide robust simulations, with soil hydraulics particularly import for the accurate partitioning of runoff and drainage.An extensive set of soil hydraulic properties was obtained by field and laboratory measurements across the extent of the Oolloo aquifer to examine the degree of spatial variation and the departure from agricultural soil types for which there are some available data. Observations were made across the Oolloo region to examine variability in soil texture, bulk density, hydraulic conductivity and water release properties. Two distinct groups were identified based on water release characteristics that correspond to agricultural and non-agricultural soils. Data describing non-agricultural soils is sparse despite the area occupied across the Daly catchment, especially in headwaters landforms. A flume was established within one of these small headwater creek systems characterised by skeletal soils and runoff was three times that typically occurring from agricultural soils.Spring dependant ecosystems will be broadly protected by the Water Allocation Plan as it sets minimum flows at various points in the river based on ecological studies. More localised impacts on spring flows caused by drawdowns from production bores located too close to the river need to be addressed. To do this buffer zones adjacent to the main spring zones are recommended. The karstic nature of the aquifer makes it difficult to set distance limits based on rigorous scientific methods. Observed groundwater levels and overall knowledge of the aquifer have been used to recommend limits of three km for the Stray Creek spring zone and 1.5km for the Daly and Katherine River spring zones

    Surface Water - Groundwater Interactions in the Lower Fitzroy River, Western Australia<br />

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    EXECUTIVE SUMMARYThe water resources of the lower Fitzroy River catchment in the Kimberley region of north-west Western Australia are continuing to present both opportunities and impediments for future irrigation development, mining activities and municipal water supply to southern parts of the State. The recent CSIRO Northern Australia Sustainable Yields (NASY) project revealed that the groundwater and surface water resources of this catchment, and many others across northern Australia, lack the historical monitoring data and fundamental technical understanding required to undertake quantitative water assessments and therefore establish sustainable water management policies. In particular, there is a dearth of information and knowledge of groundwater controls on dry season flows in the Fitzroy River. This report presents a synthesis of preliminary research projects that have aimed at starting to address these knowledge gaps. It includes work undertaken by CSIRO as part of the Tropical Rivers and Coastal Knowledge (TRaCK) program, as well as a project in which CSIRO collaborated with WA Department of Water under the Raising National Water Standards program of the National Water Commission, and finally work undertaken by CSIRO as an extension to NASY.This suite of projects has used contemporary hydrogeological mapping techniques and water bore drilling, in combination with groundwater and river sampling for both routine and novel environmental chemistry analyses. A transect of nine new monitoring bores was installed on Noonkanbah Station in October 2009 to facilitate near-river groundwater sampling and enable monitoring of groundwater level responses to wet season flood flows and recession. Groundwater samples from these shallow bores, and nine other regional bores completed in the different geologies of the Canning Basin, were analysed for major ion chemistry, stable hydrogen and oxygen isotopes of water, radon-222, noble gases (particularly helium-4), chlorofluorocarbons, carbon-14 and stable strontium isotopes. Longitudinal sampling of surface water from different reaches of the Fitzroy River was undertaken on two occasions (May 2008 and May 2010) by helicopter, and samples were analysed for a similar suite of chemical and isotopic constituents.The main reach of the Fitzroy River on which these projects have focussed is between Jubilee Downs Station (i.e. downstream of Fitzroy Crossing) and the eastern boundary of Liveringa Station. We have identified two major zones of groundwater discharge along this reach: the first is around the confluence of the Fitzroy River with Cunningham Anabranch, and the second is between a well-known waterfall and Yungngora Community on Noonkanbah Station. Two complex discharge mechanisms have been invoked to explain chemical and isotopic data in the context of recently revised geology for these areas. In the first zone, old regional groundwater in the Liveringa Group is thought to flow westwards towards the river before being forced upwards into the alluvial aquifer, or directly into the river, as it meets the low permeability mudstones of the Noonkanbah Formation. In the second zone, even older regional groundwater from the deep Poole Sandstone aquifer is thought to discharge into the river, possibly via the alluvial aquifer, through a series of faults that transect the river. Modelling of the river chemistry profiles from May 2010 suggests the total rate of groundwater discharge over the 100 kilometre study reach is about 102 ML/day, comprising about 3.7 ML/day for the regional aquifers. The remaining discharge is sourced from local groundwater flow systems in the alluvial aquifer.The results demonstrate a high dependence of dry season flows in the Fitzroy River on discharge from both local and regional groundwater flow systems. It is likely that future groundwater pumping&nbsp; adjacent the Fitzroy River will result in a reduction to dry season flows, which in turn will have&nbsp; an impact on the water level of permanent pools. The distance at which future extractive industries should be placed away from the River in order to minimise impacts to dry season flows&nbsp; and permanent pools requires further research; however, it will be site specific&mdash;that is, it will&nbsp; depend upon the size and pumping regime of the proposed extraction, the hydrogeological properties&nbsp; of the aquifers between the river and the proposed development, and the proximity of the proposed extraction to the various groundwater discharge mechanisms identified above

    The Hydroecological Natural Heritage Story of Cape York Peninsula: An assessment of natural heritage values of water-dependent ecosystems, aquatic biodiversity and hydroecological processes<br />

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    Executive SummaryThe field of hydroecology seeks to explain the relationships between hydrological processes, biotic structure and ecological processes at a variety of spatial scales. This report presents the hydroecological natural heritage story of Cape York Peninsula. Unlike many areas of Australia, freshwater-dependent ecosystems of Cape York Peninsula have high ecological integrity, possessing a diverse and unique array of aquatic, riparian and terrestrial biodiversity, near-natural flow regimes, and relatively intact riverine landscapes. These aquatic ecosystems not only provide clean water, food and recreation opportunities for human societies but have important intrinsic natural and cultural heritage values that are potentially significant from a national and international perspective.The report outlines the potential natural heritage values of freshwater-dependent ecosystems, aquatic biodiversity and hydroecological processes of the region with respect to National and World Heritage selection criteria. The report documents:1. the extent, variety and distinctiveness of aquatic ecosystem types in the region,2. biodiversity and biogeographic patterns of freshwater-dependent flora and fauna,3. hydroecological processes that sustain the natural integrity and biodiversity of freshwater-dependent ecosystems,4. preliminary assessments of the National and International natural heritage significance of hydroecological features of Cape York&nbsp; Peninsula. These assessments are made using multiple lines of evidence, including indicators of significance, comparative analyses, and natural integrity.Information in the report was compiled from the literature as well as expert knowledge and personal experience of the research team on the aquatic ecosystems of Cape York Peninsula. As much as possible, the report is written in lay person terms and in a creative way so that it can be read and appreciated by a broad audience

    The Vulnerability of Groundwater Resources to Climate Change in Timor-Leste. Prepared for the Australian Government Department of Climate Change and Enerfy Efficiency by B. Mayers, R. Fisher, T. Paul P. Wurm. A. Campbell, Research Institute for the Enviro

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    This report is part of a two part study of the vulnerability of Timor-Leste&rsquo;s ground water resources, and those who use them, to predicted climate change.In this part of the study by Charles Darwin University (CDU) we focus on potential impact and adaptive capacity to address the vulnerability of Districts to water availability, and provide recommendations for water management. The second part of the study, by Geosciences Australia and presented separately, investigates the biophysical vulnerability of Timor Leste (of the aquifers) to climate change.This report uses a mixed methods approach including:&bull; Review of current climate change predictions&bull; Review of information about aquifer characteristics, provided by the GA study&bull; Assessment of exposure of aquifers to pressure by groundwater users, by reviewing population distribution and growth&bull; Evaluation of adaptive capacity of groundwater users, using census data on indicators of wealth, and field interviews about use and management of water resources.Using these methods we identify priority areas for action in water management and current and potential adaptation options. These options link readily to the National Adaptation Programmes of Action for Timor-Leste (NAPA), and we have also ranked them broadly in terms of predicted cost of implementation.Timor-Leste is a small island developing state, located in the eastern part of the lesser Sunda Islands archipelago. Topography is rugged, with the central mountains of the island reaching altitudes of almost 3000m. The climate is monsoonal, and annual rainfall varies with elevation and aspect, from less than 1000mm in some coastal areas to over 2500mm in the wettest high altitude areas. Timor-Leste has a complex geology and much of the bedrock is sedimentary calcareous rock with shallow soils of low water holding capacity, high alkalinity and low nutrient content.According to the national census, in 2010 Timor-Leste had a population of 1.07 million. Population growth is high (2.4%), fertility rate is high (5.7 births for each fertile aged woman) and the population is relatively young (41% under 14 years, 54% between 15-66 years, and about 5% over 65 years).Already, water insecurity is widespread in Timor-Leste and is a major limitation of food security and livelihoods. Low-input agriculture is the main economic activity in Timor-Leste, with over 86% of households involved in subsistence farming. The main staple crops are rice, maize and cassava, with the limited rice production on the coastal plains fed by gravity irrigation and maize widely grown on the uplands.Geoscience Australia has classified aquifer types in Timor-Leste according to geology and &ldquo;prospectivity&rdquo;, i.e. potential flow rates or yields. The major aquifer types in Timor-Leste are:&bull; Sedimentary aquifers with intergranular porosity, which have potential to hold large amounts of groundwater. Alluvial sedimentary aquifers have potential to be high yielding aquifers, with higher yield associated with greater porosity where sediments are more well-sorted (e.g. Dili).&bull; Limestone karstic aquifers with fissured porosity are associated with many springs fed by groundwater and are sensitive to rainfall. In limestone areas, groundwater recharge, storage and yield are affected by the age of the system which determines whether fissures and channels have formed (e.g. in and around Baucau).&bull; Fractured rock aquifers with localised porosity are low yielding and usually only sufficient for household use and animal watering. There is little or no porosity and groundwater is stored in existing fractures, with new channels not becoming larger with time (e.g. Lequidoe in Aileu District).A substantial proportion (about 33%) of the population live on high yielding sedimentary aquifers, particularly on the coast, such as in Dili District, however, most of the population (44%) live on localised aquifers in the highlands (approximately equally on high yielding karst and low yielding localised fractured rock aquifers aquifers).Uncertainty in climate change projections for Timor-Leste is relatively high because Timor-Leste is a similar in size to the grid cells of the models used for projections, has variable topography and little climatic data with which to test the validity of the models that underpin the projections.The most recent climate projections for Timor-Leste have been published by the Pacific Climate Change Science Program (www.pacificclimatechangescience.org). These projections include:&bull; warming of average air and sea temperatures (by 0.4-1.0oC by 2030 under a high emissions scenario);&bull; decrease in dry season and increase in wet season rainfall;&bull; extreme rainfall events to occur more frequently;&bull; decrease in frequency and increase in high intensity cyclones;&bull; sea level rise will continue (by 6-15cm by 2030 under a high emissions scenario)&bull; ocean acidification will continue.Impacts of climate change are discussed within the following framework:Exposure of groundwater resources to climate change were derived from prospectivity of aquifers as determined by Geoscience Australia. Sensitivity of groundwater resources was mapped by overlaying relative aquifer yield and modelled annual rainfall. Areas along the central northern coast and in Oecussi are expected to be particularly sensitive. Sensitivity was also considered in terms of population pressures, both density and rate of change.Potential impacts of climate change were a function of expected exposure to climate change and sensitivity to those changes. High potential impact was identified in several areas on low yielding, localised aquifers: Liquica District, with low rainfall west of Dili; the Districts of Ainaro, Aileu, Bobonaro, and Ermera, with high and rapidly growing populations; Oecussi District, with high population growth and low rainfall. The major towns of Dili and Baucau can also be considered sites of high potential impacts because of high population densities and high population growth rates. This is despite having relatively high yielding aquifers: high yielding sedimentary aquifer in the case of Dili and high yielding fissured aquifer in the case of Baucau. In addition, the surrounding hills are underlain by low yielding fractured rock aquifers.Vulnerability to climate change is a product of potential impacts and adaptive capacity.High adaptive capacity can minimise the vulnerability of a community or nation in the face of high potential impacts. Adaptive capacity is influenced by many factors, including poverty, education, health and social capital. We derived some possible indicators of adaptive capacity using data from the national census and Demographic and Health Survey, and from field surveys at sites representing the main aquifer types. This investigation indicated higher vulnerability due to potentially low adaptive capacity in some Districts. Dili is wealthy compared with other Districts and this may represent relatively high capacity for adaptation. Other factors, such as implementation of some health programs and evidence of community management bodies, suggest high adaptive capacity in other Districts. Current adaptation strategies in some sites included cooperative management of water resources, moving temporarily when water sources became unavailable, carrying water, and collecting rainwater.In summary, the following adaptation options are recommended:1. Documentation and monitoring of ground water resources &ndash; to improve understanding of water availability;2. Integrated water harvesting and storage, and irrigation maintenance &ndash; to build local resilience and adaptive capacity;3. Agricultural diversification - to build resilience and adaptive capacity;4. Improving governance (policy and regulation) &ndash; to reduce waste and over use, to secure availability and access, and to increase adaptive capacity.The people of Timor-Leste face substantial challenges in coping with the variability of the current climate, and further challenges regarding the expected changes to climate and water availability. Options for adaptations to climate change should be considered in the context of food security and sustainable agriculture and natural resource management practices at community, landscape and national scales. The need for this broader framework is stipulated in the National Adaptation Programmes of Action for Timor-Leste (NAPA)

    Developing an effective conservation and sustainable use economy: two Arnhem Land case studies<br />

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    SummaryThis is the final report for the research project &lsquo;Developing an effective conservation and sustainable use economy in Arnhem Land: Options for payment for environmental services&rsquo;. The research was undertaken at the Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research (CAEPR) at the Australian National University (ANU). The Tropical Rivers and Coastal Knowledge (TRaCK) research hub funded the research. This report provides a preliminary assessment of the management needs and costs for two Indigenous Protected Areas (IPAs) in Arnhem Land, as well as a preliminary cost-benefit analysis (CBA) of the social benefits and costs associated with the management of the protected areas. The project commenced in July 2009 and was completed in March 2011.This report is aimed at helping decision-makers in communities, businesses, nongovernment organisations and government agencies consider payment for environmental services alongside continued public funding to support economic development in remote Indigenous communities. Crucially, this report highlights the need for better information and alternative economic perspectives in relation to the capacity of payment for environmental services to support the regional economy of Arnhem Land. This information is critical to addressing both opportunities for and barriers to the development of an effective conservation and sustainable use economy in this region and beyond.The research was carried out in collaboration with two Indigenous Ranger groups in Arnhem Land, the Djelk Rangers (Bawinanga Aboriginal Corporation) in Maningrida and the Dhimurru Rangers (Dhimurru Aboriginal Corporation) in Nhulunbuy. The two groups manage the Djelk IPA and the Dhimurru IPA respectively. The Djelk IPA was declared in 2009. It extends over 6,732 km2 stretching from the Central Arnhem Plateau to the Arafura Sea in the Arnhem Coast sub-bioregion ARC-2. The Djelk IPA has outstanding environmental and cultural values for the diversity of its landscapes and languages, and the wealth of community assemblages and species. The Dhimurru IPA was established in 2000. It covers around 920 km2 of land and 90 km2 of adjacent marine areas in the Gove Peninsula. The IPA contains areas of important cultural and environmental values, hosting a significant representation of Australia\u27s Arnhem Coast sub-bioregion ARC-3. Both IPA&rsquo;s are generally considered to be in near pristine condition.The two IPAs face quite different environmental management problems. The Djelk Rangers&rsquo; priorities focus on land and sea management including fire, weed and feral animal control and coastal surveillance. Among the most important issues for the Dhimurru IPA is managing the growing demand for the recreational uses of its environmental and cultural resources. Recreational activities could damage sensitive ecological systems, spread weeds and invasive ants through vehicles movement, disturb native flora and fauna, and damage cultural and sacred sites. The bauxite mine and processing plant adjacent to the Dhimurru IPA also have a serious impact on the integrity of the natural environment and cultural landscape.Both the Djelk and the Dhimurru rangers finance their management activities mainly through public funding. Djelk&rsquo;s revenues are split between government grants (78%) and fee-for-service earnings (22%). The Djelk Rangers use these finances to employ over 35 Indigenous rangers as well as to cover the operational costs of a range of activities including weed and feral animal control, fire management, and coastal patrols. Four activities&mdash;weed control, fire management, customs patrols, and marine debris patrols&mdash; generate 85 per cent of Djelk&rsquo;s total expenditure. The major source of Dhimurru&rsquo;s revenues is public funding (69%), and it is supplemented by Dhimurru&rsquo;s own generated income (20.5%), private contributions (9.2%) and fee-for-service income (1.6%). Dhimurru\u27s activities have interconnected goals: people management, environmental monitoring, conservation and restoration, and heritage and cultural protection. People management includes issuing general and special access permits to non-Indigenous visitors, checking permit compliance, camp site maintenance, fencing, and rubbish pickup. It accounts for over 74 per cent of Dhimurru&rsquo;s total expenditure. Weed control and crocodile management account for another 17 per cent of the Dhimurru&rsquo;s expenses.Public funding and fee-for-service revenues are the cost to society of this provision of environmental services through Indigenous ranger organisations. Both funding streams originate largely from institutional responsibilities of government. A variety ofCommonwealth programs such as Working on Country (WoC) and Indigenous Protected Areas (IPAs) are based on this principle. Here the government outsources some of its responsibility to protect the environment by contracting local Indigenous rangers to provide environmental services. In return, Indigenous rangers are required to provide some measure of accountability for their work through management plans, progress reports and financial reports. However, the compensation for this service is calculated on the basis of the government&rsquo;s accounting rule for granting funding and on what the ranger organisations estimate it will cost for them to deliver the service. They are not based on estimates of the benefits that the rangers&rsquo; activities generate for the Australian public.Lack of data, methodological limitations, and a short timeframe, severely restricted the quantitative assessment of the demand for environmental services. Therefore it is not possible to&nbsp; contrast the benefits of Indigenous provision of environmental services in the two IPAs with either&nbsp; the social costs or the organisations&rsquo; private expenditure. As a result, the data presented here is&nbsp; not sufficient to demonstrate in economic terms that the benefits of environmental service&nbsp; provision within the IPAs justify their social cost. Similarly, it was not possible to assess the&nbsp; feasibility of financing Indigenous provision of environmental services in the IPAs on the basis of he benefits it generates at the local and national levels. Further research is necessary to collect more data on such issues over longer time periods. A robust analysis of the costs and benefits of Indigenous provision of environmental services needs to account for temporal and spatial variability, and take into account the fluctuations in environmental, economic and social&nbsp; conditions. Priority should also be given to the collection of basic ecological data. This is necessary to assess the effectiveness of management practices in reaching environmental outcomes

    The February 2011 Fires in Roleystone, Kelmscott and Red Hill

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    BackgroundOn the weekend of 5 and 6 February 2011, two major bushfires devastated separate areas of thenatural and built environments in the Perth metropolitan area. One of the fires took place across the suburbs of Red Hill, Herne Hill, Millendon, Baskerville and Gidgegannup (hereafter Red Hill&ndash;Brigadoon fire) (City of Swan), the other occurred in Roleystone and Kelmscott (hereafterKelmscott&ndash;Roleystone fire) (City of Armadale). The Bureau of Meteorology had issued a Fire Weather Warning (FWW) and a Total Fire Ban (TFB) had been declared for all the fire-affected areas prior to the commencement of the fires.MethodologyAfter analysis of the fire scars from the Kelmscott&ndash;Roleystone fire and Red Hill&ndash;Brigadoon fire, interviews were conducted with residents of 425 households in, around or near the fires, with all residents of interviewed households asked to take part in a household member survey. Following the interview process, an extensive questionnaire was mailed out to a random selection of 3000 residents of the affected suburbs, producing a response rate of over 30%.FindingsPreparatory MeasuresResidents engaged in a number of preparatory actions in both the lead-up to and on the day of the fire, including actions such as clearing gutters, discussing the risk with neighbours or locals, having independent power and water supplies, protective clothing and mapping out a fire plan or evacuation route. The most cited source of information used by residents for their bushfire preparation in the mail-out survey was the &lsquo;Prepare. Act. Survive.&rsquo; pamphlet sent out by the Fire and Emergency Services Authority (FESA). During the interviews, &lsquo;common sense&rsquo; and experience living in the community were very common responses by residents.Associations between the number of preparatory actions per household and other factors revealed some interesting findings. Residents living on larger block sizes engaged in more preparatory measures than those on smaller block sizes. In conjunction with this, there was a significant increase in the number of actions of residents who were or had been involved in a Bushfire ReadyGroup (BRG). Perception of degree of threat to life and property was associated with the number of preparatory actions; a high level of threat perception was associated with a greater number of preparatory actions per household. Perception of the likelihood of a bushfire to a resident&rsquo;s town or suburb did not have any association with the number of preparatory actions per household,demonstrating the importance of asking the right question.Barriers to PreparationResidents reported a number of barriers that prevented them from being more prepared than they would have liked to be for possible bushfire. A common response was that monetary constraints prevented households from being as prepared as they would have liked to be: &ldquo;Money. I haven&rsquo;t been able to afford a generator&rdquo;. Other barriers included: finding regulations and bureaucracy toodifficult to either understand or to work with; lack of time; complacency; lack of experience; age and health-related difficulties; frustration over other residents&rsquo; lack of preparation; and being in a rental situation.Total Fire Ban and Fire ExpectationsAwareness of TFB among residents was 67%; however, this wasn&rsquo;t always from definitive knowledge of a TFB. Residents reported a &lsquo;common sense&rsquo; mentality due to prevailing weather conditions or from not knowing the difference between a fire ban and a total fire ban. Interestingly, over 60% of residents reported expecting to receive an official warning if required to evacuate, withsome residents not feeling the need to independently consult official sources for further information during a bushfire.Learning, Information and Warnings about the FireThe majority of residents became aware of the fire through either seeing or smelling smoke, with the next most important source of information being contact from family, friends or neighbours. When seeking or receiving further information from official sources about the fire, the most accessed sources were StateAlert, ABC Radio, the FESA website, emergency services personnel and other radio stations. However, when residents were asked about the most important official source of information, only 10% of residents responded that the StateAlert was the most important

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