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THE ETHNOLINGUISTIC SITUATION IN INDRA MUNICIPALITY IN THE RURAL PART OF KRĀSLAVA REGION
Full text linkThe research is based on the processed questionnaire data gathered during the ethnolinguistic expedition to Indra municipality in the rural part of the region of Kraslava in June, 2007 (120 respondents). The paper analyzes the answers of the respondents regarding the ethnic self-identification of the people, their knowledge of languages, the dominance of languages,, and their functions in the micro and macro environments of Indra municipality. The most important conclusions are: There is a noticeable difference between the official statistical data and the notions of ethnic belonging of the respondents: the official statistics state that the dominant ethnic group in Indra municipality are Belorussians; however, the major part of respondents consider themselves to be Russians. The Russian language dominates in verbal and written communication in both the micro and the macro environment. Many respondents admit that they speak „their own” language in the municipality - Russian with lexical, morphological and phonetical elements of Belorussian and Polish. The role of the Latgalian language in the rural municipality is not important; the respondents do not see any perspectives for its use in the future. The Latvian language as the official language is respected in the administration of the municipality; however, there is a wish to recognize both Latvian and Russian as official languages. The roles of the school (for the acquisition of the Latvian language) and of the Church (the language of praying is Polish, but masses are held in Russian and Latgalian) are important for the formation of the linguistic scenery of Indra municipality. In the polyethnic and multilingual environment of Indra municipality, there is a predominantly tolerant attitude towards different languages and ethnic groups
ĪŠONA GRADZĒS – THE EXPRESSION OF SOCIAL ASPECTS IN MASKING RITUALS IN LATGALE
Full text linkĪšona grjadzēs (gradzēs) (an expression used in Latgalian to describe a specific masking tradition) is a unique masking tradition in Latgal in the district of Ludza. It existed until the 1970s parallel to the better known čigānos iešana (literally ‘going as gypsies’). Originally, these rituals had a social meaning as an activity of the poorer classes, thereby obtaining food for the Yule festivities. Since the 1960s it has been a masking ritual performed mainly by older women. I assume that it is this particular ritual that has given rise to the mask of a beggar in a more recent masking tradition. A narrator, when asked what a gradze is, usually answers that it is a poor person, a beggar, and gradzes is a ‘group of poor people’. Groups of poor people are usually associated with filth, which is also confirmed by the looks of the gradzes through their dirty faces. In turn, one of the ritual activities of the masked groups is frightening, making noise, and attracting attention, which can be explained as a function of the frightening of evil spirits. This tradition could took place during Christmas night on December 24, whereas other groups of masked people could begin their activities only on December 25. Today, it is not possible to connect these traditions to the Catholic Church, but according to the materials of a field study which has been carried out in the region of Ludza since 2005 it is possible to conclude that īšona gradzēs was allowed by the Catholic church because this ritual was performed on the most Holy holiday night. Gradzes were considered to be the first Christmas messengers, or messengers of the birth of Christ.Until the 1960s, testimonies of the narrators and available research material relating to the masking ritual allow the conclusion that people sang the Lord’s songs when going for gradzēs, and only when asking for a treat they sang traditional Christmas songs and carols. Later, as the traditions changed, different songs were sung. Singing was accompanied by slow dancing, which mostly resembled the „standing pat”. In the 1970s, sometimes a village musician, who played harmonica or violin, would join the gradzes. Gradzes were not invited in and did not enter the rooms. The treats (sausages, pies, etc.) were offered through the windows or doors. It is possible to assume that the mythical origins of the gradzes’ image could be found in Slavic mythology, where the Slavic God Kolyada (коляда) is a child of the Sun as an image of the beginning of the new year’s cycle and festivities. In Slavic mythology, there is an image similar to the gradzes, called деды, диды, дзяды – „old men” or „greybeards”. The Ded (old man) is a guardian of the family and its children. This image was also worshiped as a giver of welfare and a master of hidden fortunes. An old man with red fiery eyes and a red beard would walk around dressed as a beggar and endow the poors he would meet. Sometimes they would say that the fortune was hidden in the old man’s dirty shredded clothes. The story goes that souls of the departed relatives would walk in the form of old men, and that these souls would be treated on a Christmas evening, taking the meals out below the window. A long-term study of the tradition of īšona grjadzēs (gradzēs) was started only in 2005. At present, the work is not yet completed and research will therefore continue to be carried on by the author of the paper
THE NOTION OF HAPPINESS IN LATGALIAN FAIRY TALES
Full text linkHappiness as an ethical category and as one of the most universal dimensions of human world views has been recognized as one of the most important concepts in the specification of ethnic culture within the paradigm of humanitities. The objective of this paper is therefore to reveal the notion of happiness in Latgalian fairy tales. For this purpose, one hundred Latgalian fairy tales were selected in which the word ‘happiness’ was used in different forms and combinations. Taking into consideration the specifics of a folklore text, a linguoculturological approach was used to determine the notion of happiness in Latgalian folklore, and to observe the concept of happiness in folklore texts in the discourses of language and culture and of language and ethnic mentality (Маслова 2001: 28). This concept is interpreted in this paper as a body of collective knowledge, which expresses itself through language and which shows the specifics of an ethnic culture (Воркачев 2002: 22). Three components are distinguished in the structure of the concept – a notional, a figurative, and an axiological component. Of these, the notional component is considered to be the most important one by the majority of researchers (Карасик 1999: 39). It is disclosed in the semantics of the language of folklore when studying the lexemes that happiness is connected with, in the analysis of semantic and pragmatic aspects of the word ‘happiness’, regarding word combinations where happiness is described specifically along the most typical components, and from a contrastive view which allows to identify happiness in comparison to unhappiness. Contextual semantics of the notion of happiness reveals one of the most common theories of the notion of happiness – happiness as luck or as a coincidence of favorable circumstances. A lucky situation can in Latgalian fairy tales also be defined according to the importance of the task which has to be accomplished by a hero and when it is particularly difficult or even impossible to fulfil. In such cases, happiness is denoted with the use of adjectives and as an accomplishment, thereby changing the emphasis from chance to the lucky hero. In the end of the fairy tales, the adverb ‘laimeigi’ (‘happily’) or the adjective ‘laimeigs/-a’ (‘happy’) appears most often in combination with the word ‘dzeivuoja’ (‘lived’), thereby suggesting that there is a special awareness of the word combination „happy life” in Latgalian consciousness. Final formulas of fairy tales relating to the basic elements of happiness distinguish social well-being from the well-being of a family. In addition, fragments of other values contribute to elements of happiness in the final formulas, for example, life/health, harmony, and even loneliness. Under the influence of Christianity, wealth looses importance as a subject of happiness, and its place is taken by the combination of poverty and happiness. A perspective of action of the characters regarding happiness in fairy tales is also created by verbs, which allow to divide characters into three groups: those who look for happiness for themselves, those who give happiness to others, and those who try to deprive others of happiness. Traditionally, protagonists of fairy tales fall into the first group. Their actions are described by using the verbs ‘to look for’, ‘to get’, ‘to meet’, ‘to catch’, or ‘to inquire’, which all imply an active behaviour. In the second group there are so called magic helpers, whose actions are characterized by the verbs ‘to wish’, ‘to make’, ‘to give’, ‘to promise’, or ‘to enchant’. In the third group there are the antagonists of a hero who are best described with the word ‘to envy’. Verbs as a characterization of an attitude towards happiness attest an active position of the characters in the Latgalian fairy tales. Even when happiness is predetermined, the characters do not remain static but actively participate in securing happiness. According to the logic of mythological thinking, happiness is made understandable and organized in recognizable artistic images and positioned in the local environment in equivalence to humans. Two of the most popular artistic techniques of substantiating happiness are anthropomorphization and objectification, which evolve along demythologization. There are two ways of interpreting happiness as an anthropomorphic image. First, the characterization of happiness emphasizes elements symbolizing prosperity and wealth: happiness is dressed in gold and silver (12.A.735.), it appears as a corpulent woman (11.A.735.) or a beautiful girl whose wreath shines like the sun (7.), etc. The second technique is to describe the appearance of happiness in correspondence to the hero’s psychological notion of happiness – when a hero is unhappy, happiness is a black old maid (7.), pale or exhausted (15.A.735.567.). Typical of a hero’s attitude towards happiness are persistence and even superiority. Additional features in the anthropomorphic image of happiness are revealed in those fairy tales where happiness tries its strength against the personifications of other moral values, such as wisdom (8.A.736.). In the end of these fairy tales, wisdom has to admit that wisdom without happiness is not possible. Equally great significance of both moral values (also in reversed priority) is revealed in the paroemiac folk foundation: Laima bez gudreibas ir caurojs maiss. (LSD, 1940 2971) (Happiness without wisdom is like a sack full of holes). An objectification of happiness appears in fairy tales where the idea of happiness is immanently part of the idea of money as a source and a content of happiness. In these fairy tales money can appear to people in the form of a wolf, a bird, a midge, etc. Such an interpretation of happiness was probably determined by the human belief in happiness and the possibility of finding it. Happiness can appear in different unexpected ways, and humans shall only be prepared to recognize it and grasp it. The analyzed material of fairy tales shows how the Latgalians see, understand and evaluate happiness. To sum up the conclusions made in the paper, it shall be noted that happiness is one of the highest moral values of the Latgalians. It is interpreted as both luck and destiny. The Latgalians are active regarding happiness – they look for happiness and they find it. If necessary, they remind happiness of their existence and are not afraid of changing their lives. Regarding the content of values of happiness, the most important parts are well-being (different ways of wealth/prosperity) and family happiness (with a spouse or parents). However, under the influence of Christianity, fairy tales introduced also philosophical contemplation about the problem – whether happiness really is about wealth, whether a poor person can be happy, and whether happiness is possible in this world at all. Folklore does not give the one and only correct answer to what happiness is. Folklore shows where happiness could possibly be and how one can obtain it. Specific aspects of the interpretation of happiness in Latgalian folklore can also be found in other genres of folklore, for instance in folk songs and brahilogisms. It is very well possible that other ethnic groups emphasize different aspects in the interpretation of happiness which should be studied separately. However, as studies of the concept of happiness point out, due to the influence of globalization ethnic differences in the interpretation of happiness could be evened out (Veenhoven 1995: 5)
THE WEREWOLF IN LATGALIAN FOLKLORE
Full text linkLatgale is the essentially most different and most peculiar Latvian region from the perspectives of language and culture and their interaction with the cultures of other nations. Hence, this article attempts to reveal how the images of werewolves in Latgalian folklore and the means of their expression used in traditional tales differ from the rest territory of Latvia. The aim of the article is to understand the use of this relatively little studied mythical image and the features of their characters in Latgalian folklore. Previously, the author studied the features of werewolf depictions in Latvian folklore in general, and also compared it to Lithuanian folklore. The main source used in the research are five tales of werewolves, which can be found in an electronic version of Pēteris Šmits’ collected fairy tales and tales on http://valoda.ailab.lv/folklora/pasakas/saturs.htm, recorded in the dialect of the Eastern part of Latvia. Different dictionaries and encyclopedias, for example the „Interpretative Dictionary of the Latvian Language” („Latviešu valodas skaidrojošā vārdnīca”) (http://www.ailab.lv/Vardnica/), the „Dictionary of Latvian Etymology” (“Latviešu etimoloģijas vārdnīca”), the „Encyclopedia of Mythology” (“Mitoloģijas enciklopēdija”), and the „Dictionary of Foreign Words” (“Svešvārdu vārdnīca”) were used to describe the symbolical and etymological meaning of a werewolf image. The main methods used in the paper are semiotic and comparative. The semiotic method is used to explain the symbolical meaning of the werewolf image and the semantics of the word. The comparative method is used to compare the comprehension and interpretation of the werewolf image in the tales written in the Latvian and Latgalian languages, as well as to compare the structure of these tales and the use of artistic means of expression. As the result of the research, it is possible to conclude that the Latgalian tales of werewolves show features that both agree with and differ from tales of other regions. However, the means of expression in the Latgalian tales of werewolves are rather different from texts written in other regions. One of the major differences is the language which the tales are written in, as well as emotionally expressive elements in the colloquial speech of the narrators, such as the lexis of the region, dialectisms, similes, hyperbolization, and russicisms.Just like in the majority of tales from other regions, special introduction and conclusion formulas are used. The introduction formula takes the listeners into the world of fairy tales and magic, and the conclusion fromula brings them back into reality. In addition, the use of particular toponyms to gain the effect of credibility is quite common. The motive of shapeshifting wedding guests in a number of Latgalian tales is more characteristic and more common in Lithuanian folklore, but not in the folklore of other Latvian regions. Only in one of the analyzed tales a person turns into a werewolf of his own free will. What’s more, he is not a Latgalian, which subtextually implies dislike and prejudices against an alien, which is relatively typical of Latgalian folklore in general. Also, a special shapeshifting formula – a curse – is found in one tale only. Few techniques are mentioned for retrieving human form – jumping over another shot werewolf’s skin, eating a piece of bread given by a human, or cross-cutting a wolf’s skin. Among these methods the bread technique is the most common also in the tales from other Latvian regions. Also, it should be noted that the word „werewolf” is mentioned in one tale only and an expressive description of a werewolf’s appearance is missing. This probably means that this character was not very popular in Latgalian folklore, which is also proved by the small quantity of these texts. Only one tale is narrated by a man, whereas male narrators are predominant in the other regions. In addition, in some Latgalian tales there are relatively distinguished features of patriarchy, relationships between the rich and the poor, and a peculiar sense of humor for this region and its means of expression. Having conducted the research of the tales of werewolves it is quite safe to assert that the narrator’s place of residence and the region that he/she comes from has a relatively essential meaning in the choice of folkloristic motives. The social and cultural environment, the language, and mutual relations are those preconditions that form a person’s weltanschauung, perception of life and basic values. With their special mentality, emotionally colorful means of expression and an exciting, different language, the Latgalian tales are for sure distinctive from the other ones and are very important for Baltic folklore in general
MYTHICAL TIME AND SPACE IN THE POETRY OF ULDIS BĒRZIŅŠ
Full text linkOne article describes the writings of Uldis Bērziņš, one of the most prominent Latvian poets and translators (and also a dissident) who made his debut in the 1960s. It focuses on the aspect of time and space. The 20th century is a time of re-evaluation of values and of a search for new ways of self-expression. Entrenched mythical notions experience transformation and renaissance. Hystorical myths as a source of instigation for Latvian literature (also in folklore) reach their climax in the 1920-40s and 1960-80s, i.e. in a period when problems of ethnic identity were emphasized more than ever. Uldis Bērziņš in his poetry successfully blends trends of modernism (and some of postmodernism) with mythical reality. He thereby refreshes the message of Latvian life, as well as reinforces particular trends common for whole humankind, which the author accomplishes with the help of cultural signs densely introduced into the texts. The objective of the paper is therefore to identify and emphasize dominant details of mythical time and space in the following anthologies by the Uldis Bērziņš: „Piemineklis kazai” („A Goat’s Monument”, 1980), „Poētisms baltkrievs” („The Poetism Belarussian”, 1984), „Nenotikuši atentāti” („Assassinations which never took place”, 1990), „Laiks” („Time”, together with Juris Kronbergs, 1994) and „Nozagti velosipēdi” („Stolen bicycles”, 1999). For the more detailed description of the peculiarities of the author’s works and for understanding the connection between the linguistic elements and the ethnical specifics of thinking, it was decided to use methods which are new to Latvian literary theory and are not so commonly referred to. Namely, a philological method was used for the in-depth text analysis (Николина 2007), and a linguo-culturological one for researching the connection of language and culture (Хороленко 2006). Speaking about U. Bērziņš’ notion of mythical time and space, it is referred to as an „eternal now” situation, which also includes details of historical and psychological time and space. However, mythical time and space is dominant: texts of the poems contain a very dense layer of mythologems (Odin, Odysseus, Thor), images (trees, mountains, wheels) and mythical concepts. This layer very often merges with the layers of folklore and religion which are introduced into the texts by means of stylization and reminiscences or allusions. The paper is organized according to the three dominant features of myths in the texts of Uldis Bērziņš – dichotomy, cyclicity, and syncretism. These are revealed with the help of particularly rich micro details and cultural signs and the transformation of folklore motives. Dichotomy as a disclosure of two aspects of one whole is carried out in the artistic space within the oppositions here and there, on the top and on the bottom, center and periphery, or insider and alien. These are characterized by symbolic notions of a mountain or a bridge, images of Riga and the Daugava, as well as the introduction of a mediator (a goat, bird or a ghost), which reach over the borders of time and space. Thereby the poet emphasizes fundamental ontological aspects which are concentrated in the semantic meanings of the notions of time, eternity and lifetime. In turn, by means of linguistic elements (not only semes, but also syntactical structure and pragmatic elements) Uldis Bērziņš pays attention to the multifunctionality and uniqueness of a language, and is trying to reach the level of a parent language. Within these dichotomies, the images, motives and signs also actualize a historic time and space. Thereby, a background for the disclosure of subtextual layers is organized, and simultaneously a point of view for several artistic chronotopes is expressed, which is interpreted as a symbiotic process in the poetry of Uldis Bērziņš. The search of oneself in the context of eternity is expressed with the help of the cyclicity principle. This is at the same time a tool for the illustration of different time spaces, which creates a synthesized model of an artistic world with a polyphony of linguistic elements. The cyclicity indicators in the poetry of Uldis Bērziņš are the images of a wheel, mill, and ball, as well as the interaction of the change of cycles of nature and human life. Special attention is paid to the points of intersection of time, thereby marking the Latvian year and the course of human life. In addition, the acknowledgment that the cycle is never-ending and repetitive, makes us look for interconnections with the philosophy of existentialism and a possible fulfillment of the meaning of life. Syncretism, on the contrary, as a combination of several different traditions, allows Uldis Bērziņš to emphasize features of cultural, linguistic and ethnic identity. In the united whole, i.e. in the interpretations of a sign, motive, image or myth, there is an accumulation of a few notions that create a peculiar effect of surrealism in a poetic text. For Bērziņš, syncretism is discovered in an image of a city, a sound, personal names (Peteris, Juris), religious characters (Jesus Christ, Krishna), and myths of the creation of the world. To find features of syncretism in a text, a reader does not only have to have some knowledge of mythology, religion, or culturology, but also needs associative thinking, since the poet often plays with phonemes and facts by linking them in rhythmically symbolic combinations. To sum up Uldis Bērziņš’ notions of mythical time and space, it can be concluded that the poet successfully uses the means of language, its meanings, its peculiar functions and associative nets in order to create a synthesized model of the mythical, historical, and psychological time space. This requires additional attention from a reader, because each poem is a subtextually dense discloser of a cultural heritage and an indicator of the search of oneself
TAVERNS IN INDRA IN THE 1930s FROM A HISTORICAL POINT OF VIEW
Full text linkBased on the sources and literature available to the author, as well as on data obtained during field study, the paper describes the origins and functions of a tavern in Daugavpils region (now Kraslava region) in the rural Indra municipality in the 1930s. The chronology of the paper is determined by the founding of the establishment in 1929 and its operation until 1940 when Latvia was occupied by the USSR army. The paper is organized into three topical parts: first, the origins of the tavern are described, then the environment and its development over time, and finally the fulfillment of the tavern’s objectives in the economic and cultural life. The paper is based on the following: 1) documents of the Latvian State Historical Archives (hereinafter LSHA): The 1935 census materials of the State Statistics committee; Orders to the authorities issued by the head of the administration of Daugavpils County; Notices of the Indra rural municipality (until 1937 Piedruja rural municipality) to the head of the administration of Daugavpils Region; Lists of taxpayers (1929–1940); Population statistics (1941– 1943), 2) Audiotape-recorded narrations of the tavern building heir Anna Šiško obtained during Rezekne University College’s (2007), as well as factual material obtained during the interview (2008). Judging by Jānis Šiško’s family’s purposeful construction of the tavern and its role in Indra’s economic and social culture in the 30’s of the 20th century, it can be considered that its main function was customer service. The operation and the use of the tavern was adjusted to the particular needs of the social life according to the conditions during that period. The location of the tavern within reach of the railway station and the market square provided advantageous lodging and recreation facilities. These were used by the buyers of agricultural goods and corners, called „uzkupči”, arriving on a regular weekly basis from far away, mainly from Riga, by the producers of these goods from the wide neighbourhood, as well as by local farmers in the periods of supply and sale of sugar-beet, flax, and live stock. Therefore, the operation of the tavern contributed greatly to the economic activity of the municipality. Organized recreation – dances and open-air parties in the tavern yard on the playground and in the specially arranged spacious premises of a shed with the border guards brass band, and regular theatre performances and celebrations at the occasion of public holidays – introduced the tavern to the social life of Indra and made it a popular entertainment place in the finest sense of the word and thereby contributed to the enrichment of the county’s cultural life
FUNCTIONS OF PERSONAL NAMES IN LATEST LATVIAN POETRY
Full text linkIn the period of postmodern culture, a lot of importance is attributed to mythological thinking and to the decoding of myths and current cultural signs. Therefore, the use of „talking” personal names which are perceived symbolically becomes relevant. As semiotic research points out: „For the mythological conscience it is common to see the world as a book, where cognition equals reading, which is based on the mechanisms of decoding and identification”. (Lotmans, Uspenskis 1993: 35) That means that for a better comprehension of prose, also in postmodern texts one has to pay attention to the choice of personal names, their frequency, and the presence and characteristics of cultural connotations. Bearing in mind that features of postmodern texts are the disregard of genre borders and marginalism, it can hypothetically be assumed that similar attitudes towards the use of personal names can be found in poetry. However, considering both recent studies of personal names and of poetry, it is possible to conclude that poetry pays little attention to the studies of personal names. Personal names are not very common in poetic texts, and poets use them quite precautiously (unless they link it to the tendencies within postmodernism as mentioned above). The objective of this article is to describe the functionality of personal names in latest Latvian poetry. The methodological basis of the work was obtained by studying the works of semioticians (R. Jakobson, Y. Lotman, B. Uspenskiy, Y. Levin, etc,), using the practical experience of philological text analysis (O. Nikolina, J. Kazarin), as well as by studying the attitudes of particular authors towards personal names (V. Rudnev, P. Florensky, A. Losev, G. Frege). The sources for the research for this article were anthologies of four young poetesses who were born in the 1970s and made their debut at the turn of the century, from which anthroponyms where taken for description: Inga Gaile’s „Laiks bija iemīlējies” (Time was in love, 1999) and „Kūku Marija” (Pastry Maria, 2007), Andra Menfelde’s „tranšejas dievi rok” (Gods dig trenches, 2005), Liga Rundane’s „Leluos atlaidys” (Great absolution, 2004), and Agita Draguna’s „prāts” (Mind, 2004). When analyzing the expressions of personal name in these anthologies, and thereby looking for mutual interconnections both within one anthology and from a comparative angle, a cultural sight of the generation born in the 70s (or at least of the „reading” intellectual part of that generation) could be identified. It turns out that the frequency and the uniformity/diversity of the usage of personal names can reveal tendencies of a particular trend. Clear spatial and associative semantic borders are revealed in the poetry of Agita Draguna and Liga Rundane, although it should be mentioned that personal names are very rarely used in the poetry. In contrast, the poetry of Inga Gaile and Andra Manfelde features a diversity of personal names, a tendency of appellativization, and a variety of interpretations of personal names. In the poetry of L. Rundane and A. Draguna it is possible to distinguish groups of personal names which unequivocally reveal the existence of their worlds, and mark the values of the lyrics. In the poetry of these authors two groups of personal names can be distinguished: 1) Poets: Andryvs Yurdzhs, Rainis, Oskars Seiksts (in the poetry of L. Rundane), Anthony McCann, Fjodor Tjutchev, Omar Hayam, Arseny Tarkovsky (in the poetry of A. Draguna) 2) Mythical characters: Shiva, Isida, Zuhra, Djemshid (in the poetry of A. Draguna), Virgin Mary (Jumprova Marija, in the poetry of L. Rundane). In the poetry of L. Rundane, one’s world has a Latgalian identity. In contrast, in the poetry of A. Draguna the world is more sought for, whereas one’s values seem to come from Eastern concepts of the mind and the meaning of a human life. In the poetry of I. Gaile and A. Manfelde the use of a personal name is aimed at: - marking one’s space, but unlike in the poetry of the authors mentioned above, it is full of doubts and controversies not only on the emotional level, but also regarding the values that one is looking for. Therefore personal names serve to reveal these controversies, not just to acknowledge one’s space; - a self-extinguishment of personal names and their change into simulacra, - or the process of mythologization of everyday life. It can be concluded that the limited use of personal names, of separate names, and of phrases which start with a capital letter, such as the lack of persistence in changing pronouns and generic names into the status of personal names (Miracle, You, Father of Noise, etc), proves the intensity of the perception of the mythical world, an expression paradigm common for postmodernism. (L. Rundane, A. Draguna). The relatively free and manifold use of personal names, their changes into generic names (contextual appellativization), the quest for general notions (lexical meanings), and the desire to create them (Barbie, harlequin, Aivazovsky, Lennon, Tanya, etc.) on the one hand create sumulacra, and on the other hand emphasize a mythologization of everyday life and the possibilities of its use in literary texts (through the use of figures or palimpsests)