Tidsskrift.dk (Det Kongelige Bibliotek)
Not a member yet
114105 research outputs found
Sort by
Har Paulus Helie forfattet et skrift imod de københavnske teologer i 1544?
No full textI 1543 blev kannikerne i Lund indkaldt til en samtale af professorerne i København. Da hensigten med denne var at få dem til at underkaste sig den lutherske kristendomsopfattelse, afviste de i en skrivelse året efter at møde op. Ifølge Erik Sjøberg skulle denne skrivelse være forfattet af den kendte katolske teolog Paulus Helie (Poul Helgesen). I det følgende undersøges samdsynligheden af denne tese.
English SummaryIn 1543 the cannons of Lund Cathedral were invited to a talk by the Lutheran professors of Copenhagen. However, in a letter, issued the following year, the cannons refused to follow the invitation as the purpose of the talk was to achieve their acceptance of the Lutheran religion. On the basis of an analysis of the letter’s content and language historian Erik Sjøberg has argued that it might have been written in the name of the cannons by the famous Catholic reformer, the Carmelite friar Paulus Helie. In this paper I take his views and arguments up to revaluation
Offentlig kappestrid om universitetsstillinger: Stillingsbesættelser ved konkurrence 1788-1901
No full textAnsættelsespolitikkens indflydelse på universiteterne og det omgivende samfund er en vigtig del af uddannelseshistorien. Stillingsbesættelser har til alle tider været en omstridt affære. Specielt ansættelser i de videnskabelige stillinger ved de højere læreanstalter kommer med jævne mellemrum i mediernes søgelys. Blev den bedst kvalificerede bortdømt? Var bedømmelsesudvalget partisk? Var der tale om nepotisme og indavl? Var den videnskabelige produktion af tilstrækkeligt omfang og lødighed? Artiklen omhandler alle ansættelser ved konkurrence ved Københavns Universitet i perioden 1788-1901 og specielt ansættelser ved Det Teologiske Fakultet, hvor de gængse regler ikke altid blev fulgt
Et institut for pastoralvidenskaberne: Pastoralseminariet 1809-1990
No full textSiden 1809 har Pastoralseminariet i København (i dag en del af Folkekirkens Uddannelses- og Videnscenter) givet kommende præster en praktisk-teologisk uddannelse, som skulle ruste dem til den gerning, der ventede på dem som præst ved en københavnsk kirke, i en fynsk købstad eller i et lille vestjysk landsogn. Selvom målet har været det samme gennem de sidste to hundrede år, har der ikke væretenighed om, hvordan man skulle opbygge praktisk præsteuddannelse. Skulle den være teoretisk og knyttet til universitetets undervisning, eller skulle den overvejende give de kommende præster praktiske redskaber og foregå som praktik hos ældre, duelige præster? Og hvordan skulle forholdet mellem teori og praksis være? Formålet med denne artikel er at beskrive, hvilke tanker man har gjort sig om kommende præsters uddannelse, og hvordan man har søgt disse tanker realiseret. Fokus vil især være på debatten om seminariets formål, opbygning og indhold.1 Artiklen er opbygget i fire afsnit: 1) seminariets oprettelse og første år 1809 -1850, 2) anden halvdel af 1800-tallet og første del af 1900-tallet, 3) 1930’erne – 1970’erne og 4) 1970’erne – 1990.
SummaryAn academic institute for pastoral theology 1809-1990The Copenhagen seminary (or theological college) has existed for more than 200 years, preparing the students (sometimes called seminarians) for ordination to ministry: as pastors at the Copenhagen churches, in provincial towns or in a small country parishes. The seminary was established in an ecclesiastical context and was not part of the University of Copenhagen. In spite of many proposals for inclusion in – or close connection with – the University, the seminary remained under the wings of the church. The aim of it has remained unchanged for the last two hundred years, albeit politicians and clergy have not always agreed upon the contents of the education. Should its teaching be theoretical and related to the university standards or should the seminary provide future pastors with practical tools? The board of the seminary held that only life itself could provide the practical training that was necessary to ministry. The Faculty of Theology on the other hand maintained that practical education without any theoretical guidance would not prove successful. The different views reflect traditional divergent views on the very nature of practical or pastoral theology: Should it provide a theory behind the profession as a pastor (providing the seminarians with tools), or should it rather be based on a historical-systematic study similar to the principles accepted by and maintained at the university
Hvornår oprettedes dominikanerklosteret i Haderslev? En genopdaget indskrift bekræfter en formodning om tidspunktet for prædikebrødrenes ankomst
No full textSummaryIn Danish monastic history writing, it has for long been an established fact that the Dominican Friars Preachers founded a convent in Haderslev around the middle of the thirteenth century. The first mentioning of such a convent is from the provincial chapter acts of the order itself in 1254, in which two friars are decided moved to Haderslev from the convent in Århus. Based on this, it is traditionally suggested in the literature that the Dominicans must have come to Haderslev in 1254 or rather in the preceding years, setting the period 1249-1253 as the most likely time span for the convent foundation. This period fits very well with the theory that the main reason for a Dominican foundation in Haderslev was the contemporary organisation of a small canonical chapter at the Church of St. Mary and an ecclesiastical school for the education of secular priests in the northern part of the diocese of Schleswig.It is, however, possible to pin-point the exact year of the Dominican foundation in Haderslev, at least according to one medieval source that monastic historians in Denmark apparently has neglected to notice until now, although published in 1913. In the choir stools of the Dominican church in the small north-German town of Röbel, located between Rostock and Berlin, a friar called Urban Schuman in 1519 made an inscription, naming 26 Dominican convents in the German province of Saxonia, putting a date on the year of their foundation. Among them we find the convent of Haderslev, which was transferred from the Scandinavian province of Dacia to Saxonia two years before, and according to Fr. Urban, the convent in Haderslev was established in 1251. Of course, this claim written in a Röbel choir stool does not have to be the final truth inthe matter, but the stated year does fit beautifully with all other facts and speculations around it, and since most of his priory datings seem to be correct, I see no reason why we should not take Fr. Urban’s word for it: The Dominican convent in Haderslev was probably founded in 1251
De katolske bisper og reformationen i Danmark
No full textDe sidste katolske bisper har fået et ringe eftermæle i dansk reformationshistorie: Ikke alene var de ikke opgaven voksen, men de var også moralskt dubiøse og teologisk og politisk inkompetente. Resutatet var at den katolske kirke i Danmark blev totalt overvældet af en fremstormende evangelisk bevægelse. I det følgende skal jeg forsøge at nuancere dette billede og rehabilitere de bisper, der aktivt forsøgte at bekæmpe den evangeliske bevægelse ikke uden succes specielt i årene fra 1526 til og med 1528.
SummaryThis article considers the evangelical movement in Denmark seen from the perspective of the leaders of the Catholic church. The Danish bishops played a major part in the deposition of King Christian II in early 1523 and the election of his uncle Frederik I as his replacement. They made sure that the newly appointed king signed a coronation charter which not only guaranteed all the rights and privileges of the Catholic Church in Denmark, but also promised immediate Royal intervention against any evangelical preaching. Despite their political influence and unity in 1523 the bishops still felt the need to engineer a declaration from their lay colleagues within the Royal Council reaffirming their support for the pope and the Catholic Church only a little over a year later. Evidently the bishops had some serious concerns about the loyalty to the Catholic church of both their lay colleagues within the Council and the King. The lack of a papaly confirmed archbishop did not make the situation easier for the bishops and the Catholic church. That they refrained from taking any initiative to remedy this situation was to prove extremely damaging to the Catholic cause. Furthermore,when one of the two elected candidates for the archbishopric finally received papal confirmation in January 1526 the bishops proved unable to convince the other candidate, Aage Sparre, to vacate the seat, which he had occupied since his election. Encouraged and supported by king Frederik I Aage Sparre refused to back down thereby causing a damaging split within the episcopal college.
Well in advance of the parliament (herredag) which met in 1526 the two most prominent and respected Catholic bishops, Ove Bille and Lage Urne, had realised that direct support for the Catholic church and intervention against the growing evangelical movement could no longer be expected from the king and the Council. They therefore decided personally to intervene against the evangelical preachers within their bishoprics using their legal powers. Their approach proved successful and was quickly emulated by other bishops such as Jørgen Friis in Viborg and the arche-electus in Lund, Aage Sparre. But where Sparre, despite not even being the rightful occupant of his see, was able to draw on the support of his lay colleagues within the Royal Council and make a success of his intervention against the evangelical preachers in the city of Malmø, Jørgen Friis failed abysmally in Viborg, lacking support from the local nobility as well as from his own chapter. Success clearly depended on the reputation and standing of the individual bishop.
This might also explain why the bishop of Odense, Jens Andersen Beldenak, apart from his pastoral letter to the town of Assens in hisown bishopric wrote another two pastoral letters to the towns of Viborg and Ålborg both in bishoprics where the incumbents were generally despised. These pastoral letters are the only instances we have of one of the Danish, Catholic bishops taking on the evangelical preachers theologically. The letter to Viborg in particular has been seen as proof that bishop Beldenak had come round to a Christian humanist position. There is, however, little if anything in the letter to support such a view. Instead, Beldenak argues for the traditional authority of the church, the churchfathers, and the use of the Vulgata Bible. He may well have shared this consiliarist position with the majority of his colleagues such as the bishop of Aarhus, Ove Bille. Bearing in mind the bishops’ reluctance to use the debating skills of the Christian humanist theologian Poul Helgesen when taking issue with the evangelical preachers in the late 1520s, because they had concerns about his theological position and view of the church and its leaders, it seems highly unlikely that Christian humanism should have appealed to any of the Danish bishops.
The years between 1526 and 1528 proved decisive in the Catholic bishops’ attempt to halt or prevent the Reformation. Within their individual sees the bishops sought to combat the evangelical movement primarily through legal intervention, but occasionally also through theological involvement. Despite the constant political and religious pressure they found themselves under, confronted with a rapidly growing evangelical movement which was increasingly supported by the king, and with no assistance forthcoming from friends and family within the nobility, the bishops still achieved a measure of success.
The death of bishop Lage Urne, the most respected and influential of the Catholic bishops, in the summer of 1529, however, weakend the episcopal college dramatically. This was aggravated by the retirement of the elderly bishop of Odense, Jens Andersen Beldenak, later that year. Their replacements, Knud Gyldenstjerne og Joachim Rønnow, were totally dependent on Frederik I for their promotion – they did not receive papal confirmation – and had to promise not to intervene against the evangelical preachers and their followers within their bishoprics. From 1532 the elected bishops who depended on the crown for their promotion were in the majority and a Reformation was only a question of time. The death of Frederik I in spring 1533, however, offered the Catholic bishops and their supporters a window of opportunity to turn the clocks back, which they grapped. However, the rebellion of the cities of Malmø and Copenhagen and the subsequent civil war guaranteed that this opportunity proved shortlived, and a Reformation resulted from Christian III’s victory in 1536.
The bishops may not have had much to play for after the parliament of 1530, but between 1526 and 1528 they made a sustained effort to halt the progress of the evangelical movement, despite the lack of support they received from both the king and their noble colleagues within the Council. That they eventually lost the battle should not detract from the fact that they achieved some success in halting and delaying the reformation
Døde med skøde: Bidrag til epitafiets foranderlige form og funktion
No full textEpitafier er type af gravminde, der har sin storhedsperiode i mellem reformationen og slutningen af 1700-tallet. Tilsyneladende er epitafier ikke altid blot markeringer af grave eller skrevne lovtaler over de døde. Epitafier kan anskues som en del af en donationskultur, der kan manifestere sig på flere måder: enten ved at et kirkemøbel fremstilles med epitafiefunktion eller ved, at epitafier benyttes som en slags offentligt synlige, retsgyldige dokumenter. De kan henvise til eksistensen af stiftede gaver og ydelser. I den sidste del af epitafiets historie er det den ædle følelse, det almene sociale sindelag, der fremhæves. Epitafiets private karakter opløses til fordel for almennytten.
SummaryDeceased with deedsAbout the ambiguous forms and functions of epitaphsThe article discusses the term and the concept epitaph in Denmark between Reformation and Enlightenment. An epitaph in its original form is a deed, a written or painted message stating that a grave has been paid for, and it is a warning not to dig into any existing tomb or vault. It seems that the nobility in some instances chose to combine epitaphs with pieces of ecclesiastical furniture. Thus altar tablets may have been donated to a church with the secondary purpose of marking the burial place of the donator himself. Pews, pulpits and even baptismal fonts donated by wealthy burghers of the 17th Century occasionally turn out to be markers of donations as well as and graves. How then to distinguish between votive tablets, epitaphs, and deeds? Memories for people dead at sea seem to pinpoint this problem. During the 18th Century it becomes customary to publish the deceased’s wills by means of huge inscriptions on tablets in the churches – or to refer to the existence of deeds existing in the chests or archives of the dioceses or magistrates. It has to be made obvious to anyone that money have been invested in order to maintain the donator’s graves until the second coming of Christ, or that capital has been invested for the needs of the families of the deceased or for the common good. As an example a huge tablet I Western Jutland states, that amounts of money have to be paid to people in need, and that Bibles and other books be brought to the poor at certain seasons of the year – not to forget money for the maintenance of the local fire station. So the purposes of epitaphs and of donator’s tablets in some instances seem to be similar. Both aim at memorizing the dead and setting a good example within the frames of the Lutheran concept of vocation. The Enlightenment however seems to have stressed the actual charity in thewider society on account of the pursuit of eternal security and hope of the deceased donators themselves and the upholding of their noble but vain graves in the pretty local milieu. The epitaphs of the later 18th Century are more concerned with the common good
