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Den nye reformmodel under SVM-regeringen
No full textEn ny reformmodel har set dagens lys under SVM-regeringen, og den stiller nye krav til fællesoffentlig ledelse. Denne artikel skitserer, hvad der kendetegner denne nye reformmodel, og ikke mindst hvordan strategiske offentlige ledere kan bidrage til, at reformerne skaber værdi for borgern
Slaget om professoratet i kirkehistorie 1900-1901: offentlig konkurrence mellem den 25-årige Valdemar Ammundsen og teologerne J. Oskar Andersen og Frederik Torm
No full textUnder stor opmærksomhed blev den 25-årige nybagte teologiske kandidat Valdemar Ammundsen i 1901 udnævnt til professor i kirkehistorie efter offentlig konkurrence. Han blev foretrukket frem for den ældre kirkehistoriker J. Oskar Andersen og den senere professor Frederik Torm. Var denne afgørelse fagligt rimelig, eller var det udtryk for, at Det Teologiske Fakultet ønskede at holde bestemte folk udenfor? På grundlag af et stort brevmateriale er det muligt at belyse både kandidaternes, bedømmelsesudvalgets, fakultetets, Konsistoriums og ministeriets holdninger og indflydelse. Hvilken betydning fik J. Oskar Andersens forsøg på at benytte sine forbindelser blandt familie og venner til at påvirke afgørelsen? Artiklen er en fortsættelse af bidraget i Kirkehistoriske Samlinger 2016, som handler om stillingsbesættelser ved konkurrence i perioden 1788-1901.
SummaryIn March 1900 Fredrik Nielsen, Professor of Church History at Copenhagen University, became Bishop of Aalborg. On 23 April 1901, The Theological Faculty appointed Valdemar Ammundsen, a 25-year-old theological candidate, as Fredrik Nielsen’s successor. However, before the Faculty made that decision, they had held a public competition in order to find the right candidate, and this made a great stir for a long time to come. A young, promising candidate had been appointed instead of more mature candidates of Church History, in spite of the fact that neither the Faculty nor the Appointments Committee had agreed upon the procedure or who should be the winner. The article takes its starting point in the rules of public competition in the way they were practiced at The Theological Faculty and at the rest of the faculties of Copenhagen University (see Erik Nørr: Offentlig kappestrid om universitetsstillinger. Stillingsbesættelser ved konkurrence 1788-1901, in: Kirkehistoriske Samlinger 2016).150 The question is whether the formal rules applied in 1900/01 were in conformity with the common practice of appointments or whether they were adapted in order to achieve a certain result. During the competition the three competitors exchanged letters with each other, as they did with the Faculty Members, and with the members of the Appointments Committee, and therefore it is possible to follow the various steps of the appointment more closely than what would normally be the case. Which aspect was crucial on appointing a candidate: scientific qualifications, personal connections, sympathy or antipathy for the candidates, or different views upon Church History? The final chapter tells what happened further on to the losers, and what consequences the appointment case had for future cooperation at The Theological Faculty
H.L. Martensen og D.G. Monrad: to biskoppers økonomi
No full textI 1870’erne udgav Hans Lassen Martensen to værker, der gav anledning til en omfattende debat, Den Christelige Ethic, bind II,2. halvbind: Den sociale Ethik fra 1878 og fortrykket Socialisme og Christendom på 55 sider fra 1874. Ditlev Gothardt Monrad svarede i 1878 med bogen Liberalismens Gjenmæle til Biskop Martensens sociale Ethik. Denne debat mellem to af den danske kirkes fremmeste mænd er nok den grundigste debat, vi har haft på dansk af forholdet mellem markedsøkonomi og kristendom. Og den spredte sig; der kom utallige indlæg i aviser og tidsskrifter samt en lang række debatbøger af forskellige elever og tilhængere af de to biskopper. I denne artikel redegøres dels for Martensen og Monrads synspunkter, og dels for den efterfølgende debat herunderogså samtidens økonomers syn på problemstillingerne.
SummaryA remarkable discussion of the ethics of the capitalistic market economy took place in Denmark in the 1870s. The main contributors were Bishop Hans Lassen Martensen (1808-1884) and Bishop Ditlev Gothardt Monrad (1811-1887), two of the most prominent figures in the ecclesiastical history of Denmark. Martensen published a small pamphlet entitled Socialisme og Christendom (Socialism and Christianity) in 1874, in which he argued against capitalism, individualism and liberalism. He included the text almost unchanged in his major work Den Christelige Ethik (The Christian Ethics) volume II.2 of 1878. Bishop Monrad replied in his book Liberalismens Gjenmæle til Biskop Martensens sociale Ethik (The reply of Liberalism to Bishop Martensen). The two great personalities presented their views profound and clearly, but their elevated position constrained them from engaging in a continuing public debate. Martensen never responded to the objections to his books. Both men were at the end of their careers, so public debate was something they handed over to their students and followers. Nevertheless, an important and interesting debate continued in subsequent years. Almost all major newspapers and a number of journals and magazines carried reviews and comments. Some of the more profound comments were also published as books and pamphlets. The debate is interesting for at least two reasons. First, it is the most thorough debate in Denmark among Christians about what the attitude to social issues should be. Is it a Christian duty to fight for the weak and poor, or should Christianity leave it to the politicians to address social questions? Never before or since have these questions been so intensively debated among so prominent leaders of the Danish church. Secondly, there seems to run a causal chain from Martensen’s contribution to the establishment of the modern welfare state. Not, perhaps, a clear and dominating track, but never the less one of the many threads that were woven together into the fabric that formed the Danish welfare state. The influence brought on this from Hans Lassen Martensen to Fernando Linderberg (1854-1914) and from Linderberg to K.K. Steincke (1880-1963) is well documented, and if one man has to be named as the Father of the Danish welfare state, then K.K. Steincke must be amongst the absolute favourites
Et opgør om synden hos Plesnerfamilien: med baggrund i de fynske præstebrødres nyortodoksi
No full textJohan Fr. Plesner (1815-1892) var som ung teologisk kandidat blevet vakt ved de gudelige forsamlinger i Humble sogn på Langeland. Hans første krise kom i begyndelsen af 1850’erne, da han som kapellan skulle prædike i Bøstrup kirke. Johan Fr. Plesner læste Luthers skrifter og spurgte sig selv, hvordan han kunne bruges til forkynder. Det kom til et opgør med faderen, provst Ulrich Adolph Plesner (1782-1861), Humble sogn. Sønnens syn på syndens totalt fordærvende menneskenatur blev ikke delt af faderen. I 1856 blev Johan Fr. Plesner sognepræst i Vedersø, og her fortsatte hans sjælekvaler. Han tilhørte den fynske kreds af grundtvigske præstebrødre, og han fik stor hjælp under sine kriser fra C. Fr. Kisbye i Aunslev og Vilh. Birkedal i Ryslinge. Sidstnævnte havde også oplevet en krise i 1847-48. Hans prædikensamling fra 1848 var præget af nyortodoksiens forkyndelse af synd og nåde ud fra læren om lov og evangelium. Denne forståelse kom også til udtryk i Johan Fr. Plesners Luther-udgivelser og i hans breve til faderen (U.A. Plesners privatarkiv). Brevene er ikke tidligere beskrevet detaljeret.
SummaryComing to terms with sin in the Plesner family – in the context of neo-orthodoxy.In the 1840’s the young theologian candidate Johan Frederik Plesner (1815-1892) felt a spiritual revelation when he attended revivalist movement assemblies in the parish of Humble on the island of Langeland, where his father was rural dean.
Study of Martin Luther’s writings made J.F. Plesner uneasy about his ability to preach the gospel to the congregation. During the years 1850-52, when Plesner was a curate in the parish of Bøstrup, he was suffering a crisis. Consequently Plesner was hospitalised in Frederik’s Hospital in Copenhagen. In 1856 J.F. Plesner became vicar of the parish of Vedersø, here his mental sufferings continued.
It came to a clash with his father Ulrich Adolph Plesner (1782-1861), rural dean of Humble. Beginning in 1855, the problems continued till the father’s death. The strained relationship came out in the son’s letters to his father. The letters have not been examined in detail until now with the present study (U.A. Plesner’s private archive). In a debate on original sin the son’s view that sin completely corrupts human nature is not shared by his father.J.F. Plesner belonged to the circle of Grundtvigian preachers in Funen. In times of crisis Plesner received much help and support from the pastors C.F. Kisbye, Aunslev and V. Birkedal, Ryslinge. The latter had also been suffering from a mental crisis in 1847-48. His collection of sermons from 1848 to 1849 was dominated by orthodoxy, preaching of sin and grace according to the teaching of law and evangelism. Such understanding was also expressed in J.F. Plesner’s edition of Luther’s writings as well as in his letters to his father.For several years, both J.F. Plesner and V. Birkedal had to fight the burden af sin, the ambiguous heritage from Reformation theology
Hvad karakteriser vækkelsesbevægelser, der kalder sig lutherske?
No full textLuther ønskede både som professor og prædikant først og fremmest at være bibeludlægger og bibelformidler. Som et bidrag til at markere reformationens 500-årsjubilæum vil denne artikel beskrive, hvordan nogle grupper, der er vokset ud af det 19. århundredes religiøse vækkelser, og som i hele deres historie på forskellig måde har profileret sig som lutherske, i praksis har læst, forstået og brugt Luther.
SummaryWhat characterizes awakening movements that define themselves as Lutheran?This study shows that movements that were results of the religious awakening movements of the 19th Century and which by their names and in public declarations defined themselves as Lutheran do not necessarily understand and use Luther in the same way. Concerning article 4 in the Augsburg Confession about justification by faith – traditionally considered the main article of the Lutheran reformation – the four movements in question are mainly in concordance. Both the proclamation of law and gospel, and their views of sin and grace are mattes of agreement. DELF is the organization that has made the broadest use of Luther in its preaching and has made use of a multitude of Luther texts – the postils, the great Commentary on the Letter to the Galatians, the small and the large catechisms, devotional books by Luther, the reformation writings and the Tract on the Bondage of the Will. KLThas mainly been using Luther’s postils and Luther’s two catechisms together with devotional books by Luther. ELM has generally been focusing on Luther’s Greater Commentary on Galatians, which has been quoted repeatedly. LM always took its point of departure in the writings of C.O. Rosenius. He was the editor of the periodical Pietisten in which he often quoted Luther. Sometimes quotations of Luther’s Postils or the Commentary on the Galatians were the only contents of the issued copies. During the first 125 years of LM’s history Luther did not play the same central role as he did in other organizations. The LM seems to have reached its understanding of justification by faith through the study of Rosenius. The LM in its early history primarily used Luther as legitimation of its low-church profile – pointing to Luther’s concept of the priesthood of all believers. A more general use of Luther did not evolve until the younger generation of the organization began studying theology – and the Credo Publishing House published its translations of Luther’s works 1981-1996.The very different use of Luther in the four organizations become so much more clear in their ecclesiology comprising their attitudes to ministry and the significance and weight of the sacraments. The DELF has been stressing the importance of the ordained pastor as the spiritual guide, preacher, ministrant, and counselor of the local congregation. Also in the KLT it has been stressed that the congregation be led by a chosen and consecrated person – but it has not in the strict manner as the DELF denounced lay-preachers. LM on the other hand has been emphasizing that the called lay-preacher possess the spiritual right to execute the same functions as an ordained pastor of the official church. ELM has a wider understanding of the ministry of the church than the LM. However, the ELM has been underlining the need of a sound biblical-Lutheran doctrine unto a degree that the organization was only prepared to work together with a very few pastors of the official church. The establishment of Menighedsfakultetet (The Lutheran School of Theology in Aarhus) and the Dansk Bibel-Institut (Danish Bible-Institute) changed this attitude. ELM has a more positive understanding of ministry than the LM – but the sacraments were traditionally given a higher significance by DELF and KLT than by LM and ELM. As the official Danish Church launched a ritual for marriage of homosexual persons, it meant that many members of the LM left the official church and established free congregations. Some members have left the ELM in protest against the new ritual and sought shelter in free congregations. Historically the disagreement in the understandings of church and ministry has meant that the four Lutheran organizations have not been able to cooperate in their original and mutual agreement on the justification by faith
Gravmindevandring i Sankt Petri Kirke i København
No full textSankt Petri Kirke i København rummer mange gravminder. I artiklen betragtes tre familiers gravminder fra tiden omkring 1700. Oprindeligt befandt de sig side om side i gravkapellernes østfløj. I tidernes løb blev gravsten, epitafier og lysekroner flyttet rundt inden for kirkens areal, således at der inden sidste restaurering ikke var nogen synlige gravminder ved selve gravene tilbage, selv om de fleste gravminder dog var bevarede. En lignende gravmindevandring er sandsynligvis foregået ved de fleste kirker.
ZusammenfassungGrabmälerrundgang in der deutschen St.-Petri-Kirche zu KopenhagenWie manche andere städtische Kirche besitzt die deutsche St.-Petri-Kirche in Kopenhagen umfangreiche Grabkapellen, die an die Kirche angebaut wurden. In mehreren Schritten entstand hier im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert eine mehrflügelige Anlage, die immer noch ihrem ursprünglichen Zweck dient. Solche Grabkapellen erlaubten es, zusätzlich zu den Bestattungen in der Kirche zahlreiche weitere überdachte Grabstätten anzubieten, wodurch sich der Gemeinde eine üppig sprudelnde Einnahmequelle erschloß.Im Ostflügel der Grabkapellen wurden in den Jahren um 1700 u. a. Gräber für die Familien Karstens, Lassenius und Wriede angelegt. Eshandelte sich um eine Pastoren- und zwei Handwerkerfamilien, zu denen im Aufsatz die notwendigen biographischen Informationen genannt werden. Die unterirdischen Gräber wurden mit Grabsteinen bzw. Epitaphien bezeichnet und sichtbar numeriert. Die mit den Namen dieser Familien versehenen Kronleuchter hingen ursprünglich aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach über den Gräbern.Die Inschriften der Grabmäler werden ediert, und die wechselnde Plazierung der Gegenstände im Laufe der Jahrhunderte wird rekonstruiert. Die meisten Grabmäler der drei Familien sind noch erhalten, nur nicht mehr an ihrem ursprünglichen Ort, allein Lassenius’ Epitaph wurde während der letzten Restaurierung in den Ostflügel der Grabkapellen zurückgebracht. Die Kronleuchter hängen seit 1884 in der Kirche, allerdings nicht immer am selben Ort. Die Grabsteine blieben bis 1904 an ihrem ursprünglichen Platz. Seitdem befinden sie sich im Hof der Grabkapellen, dem sog. Kräutergarten.Eine derartige Beweglichkeit der Grabmäler, wie sie für die St.-Petri-Kirche gut zu dokumentieren ist, scheint in vielen Kirchen üblichgewesen zu sein. Offenbar wurde sie dadurch befördert, daß die Inschriften auf Grabmälern für ein und dasselbe Grab selten aufeinander verweisen und daß die Verantwortlichen für Restaurierungen sich nicht bewußt waren, was alles zu den ursprünglichen Grabensembles gehörte. So wurden die einzelnen Teile kurzerhand an Orte gebracht, die man für angemessener hielt. Liegende Grabsteine wurden der besseren Lesbarkeit halber an eine Wand oder Mauer gestellt, während Kronleuchter elektrifiziert und dort hingehängt wurden, wo gerade eine Lichtquelle fehlte
J.L. Lunds altertavle i Sankt Johannes Kirke på Nørrebro
No full textI 1812 bestilte Kommissionen angaaende Frue Kirkes Gjenopbyggelse et alterbillede af maleren J.L. Lund til Vor Frue Kirke i København. Billedet blev imidlertid aldrig malet til det formål, idet Bygningskommissionen i 1820 besluttede at lade Bertel Thorvaldsen udsmykke kirkens alter med den siden så kendte Kristusskulptur. Imidlertid fremgår det af kunstlitteraturen, at det er den til Vor Frue Kirke bestilte altertavle, der i dag kan ses i Sankt Johannes Kirke på Nørrebro i København, og at den blev malet i Rom i 18183. Kildestudier – herunder breve fra kunstneren selv og sagsakter fra de involverede ministerier – har dokumenteret et andet forløb, idet altertavlen med Kristi himmelfart i Sankt Johannes Kirke først blev malet mellem 1845 og 1848.
SummaryJ.L. Lund‘s Altarpiece in St. John’s Church of CopenhagenThe painting of the altarpiece in St. John’s Church in the district of Nørrebro outside the walls of old Copenhagen was a work executed by the Danish artist Johann Ludwig Gebhard Lund (1777-1867). In 1862 it was placed in the church finished as a building only a year before, in 1861. The subject of the painting is the Ascension of Christ. The painting is visibly signed and dated: J.L. Lund 1848. So the paining obviously is older than the church building itself and may not specifically have been commissioned for precisely this church.The scene of the painting is divided into a heavenly and an earthly sphere. Christ is seen as standing on a cloud accompanied by a choir of angels. About twenty persons are depicted on earth – most of them with their glances turned upwards in the direction of Christ. Stylistically the painting must be considered part of the Early Renaissance albeit it is influenced by the German religious painters known as the Nazarenes. J.L. Lund was drawn towards and inspired by this group of artists during his stay in Rome in the years 1816 to 1819. However the Nazarene school and its style did not confirm to the dominant taste of the theological and cultural milieu of Copenhagen.Art historians have taken it for granted that the altarpiece was painted in Rome in 1818 for the main church of Copenhagen, Our Lady’s. In 1820 the decision was made to use the sculptor Thorvaldsen’s huge figure of Christ instead of an altar painting. Consequently Lund’s painting was supposed to have been stored away for years until it could serve its purpose as an altarpiece in the newly erected St. John’s in Nørrebro. By use of letters between the artist and the Danish Prince Christian Frederik – later King Christian VIII – this investigation tends to prove that Lund did not paint his altarpiece at that time (1818) but considerably later (1845-1848)
Da Dominikanerordenen kom til Danmark: Om kilderne til den dominikanske klosterstiftelse i Lund 1222
No full textI 2022 er det 800 år siden, at det første dominikanerkloster blev oprettet i Danmark, hvilket fandt sted i ærkebispestaden Lund. Det samme kan man i realiteten sige for hele Norden, for ganske vist havde ordenen forsøgt at etablere et hus i Sverige to år forinden, men det blev opgivet igen efter få år. Om det nu også virkelig var i 1222, at det første blivende dominikanerkloster blev oprettet, har dog været diskuteret, og også årene 1221 og 1223 har været foreslået. Årsagen til usikkerheden er, at hovedkilden til begivenheden nok oplister en række årstal, men ikke fuldstændig eksplicit for lige præcis klosterstiftelsen, hvor kildeteksten faktisk synes at modsige sig selv. Kilden, der er en krønike skrevet af Dominikanerordenen selv, rummer flere andre problemer og bør som alle andre historiske kilder indtages med et kildekritisk gran salt, men dens oplysninger om ordenens tidligste ankomst til Norden understøttes faktisk af flere andre uafhængige kilder. Denne lille ‘jubilæumsartikel’ vil søge at redegøre for Dominikanerordenens ankomst til Norden og for de tilgængelige kilder dertil.
SummaryThe first Dominican friary in medieval Denmark was founded in 1222. It was also the first lasting friary of the Dominican Order to be established in its Scandinavian province of Dacia. Essentially, this is the core historical facts to be gained from reading this article. The aim of the article is, however, to go a little beyond the mere events of this monastic foundation, which now happens to celebrate its 800th anniversary, by adding a thorough presentation and even discussion of the sources to it. For a monastic institution in medieval Scandinavia, the history of the foundation of the Dominican friary in Lund is unusually well-documented. Not only do we have an almost contemporary chronicle written by friars of the order itself to provide us with a broad set of details on how the convent came about to be established. Several of the facts claimed by the chronicle are even collaborated by a variety of independent extant sources. Still, as is often is with medieval studies, an abundance of sources does not necessarily make it easier for present-day historians to figure out what actually happened, since medieval documents have a curious tendency of somewhat contradicting each other and even themselves. That is certainly the case with the history of the Dominican convent foundation in Lund, for which even the stated year of the event, 1222, is up for debate. The present article lists all available sources to what can be said about the foundation and the first three friars involved with it, as well as some of the various twists and angles that later historians have exposed these sources to in a common goal of getting closer to ‘the historical truth’