Wittenberg University Journals

Lopez, Amber

English

Reclaiming Jezebel

Blakley, Kara

40 • The Wittenberg History Journal
The Fountainhouse of Archaic Athens
Kara Blakley
During the Archaic period of Greek art (c. 600-480 BCE) vase painting garnered
much attention. It was during this period that Exekias painted the famed Ajax and
Achilles playing a gamd (c. 540 530 BCE), and Euthymides painted revelerJ (c. 510
BCE). Both of these paintings depict male figures. Given the "canon" of Archaic vase
paintings, it appears as though women were seldom subject to depiction. In 1901,
Professor of Greek John Homer Huddilston wrote that:
The life of women in ancient Hellas in historic times was decidedly an
:indoor existence; only on a few occasions were they supposed to appear
in public places. This condition of affairs is distinctly noticeable in the
vase-paintings, for, barring the mythological scenes and the Bacchic revels,
pictures in which women appear are for the most part confined to the
domestic circie. 3
q
!
Indeed, over a hundred years of new evidence and scholarly inquiry have not shed
much light on women's public roles. However, my research suggests that although
women's lives and their roles in the public sphere may have been limited relative to
that of men, they were by no means inconsequential to society. A scene depicted on an
Archaic hydria dating to about 510 BCE shows one task that moved married women
into the public sphere: that of fetching water from the fountainhouse (Figure 1). When
examined within a broader context, I suggest that this hydria shows more about the
life of women than might be garnered on preliminary inspection. Indeed, I propose
that this work is nuanced and may reveal more than the simple task of collecting
water.
To understand women's relationship to the fountainhouse it is first imperative
to survey the function of the fountainhouse itself. During the Archaic period, "Greek
tyrants," including Athenians, "seem to have favored large public construction
programs, among which temples and hydraulic systems were prominent."4 The
fountainhouses were secure alternatives to wells, which ran the risk of drying up, and
cisterns, which gathered rainwater from the roof. Neither the well or the cistern was
as reliable a source of water as the fountainhouse, which provided "good, dean water
for public consumption [which] was piped from springs."5 The fountainhouses were
not solely an Archaic phenomenon, either, as the Athenian Agora saw construction of
two new fountainhouses between 350 and 325 BCE. It was in these publically secure
markers of state prosperity that women met, engaged, and even shared stories about
their inner domestic lives.
The Archaic (c. 510 BCE) Fountainhouse Scene on an Attic black-figure hydria
(Figure 1) depicts five women who have gone to the fountainhouse to fetch water.
Vol. XXXVIII, Spring 2009 o 41
While there is a chariot scene above the fountainhouse scene, this essay will
principally concentrate on the latter. The hydria has traces of Geometric design motifs
across the very top of the fountainhouse scene, and incorporates the element of
animals' mouths as sources of wine and water. The spouts from which water pours
feature both lion and donkey designs. A mixing of architectural elements is also seen:
the columns at each end are more elaborate, decorative, and intricate, suggesting Ionic
inspiration, while the two center columns are more austere, borrowing from Doric
ideals.
The women depicted on the vase appear to be in a celebratory mood, although
from a contemporary view they have merely stepped beyond the home to collect
water. However, despite the seemingly mundane experience of collecting water for
the household, fountainhouses "offered the rare opportunity of social intercourse for
women and slaves."7 This is because while most women's chores were confined to the
home, women were responsible for the necessary trip to the fountainhouse, but only
if her family was not rich enough to afford a slave to do so.8 The fountainhouses, then,
allowed the intermingling of women, whether free, slave, upper- or lower-class, for
women, "...whatever their station in life, had [no] political rights."9 It is noteworthy
that all of the women have long hair, which flows freely, is tied in a bun, or is
wrapped in various length of cloths. Throughout Greek history, slaves consistently
wore short hair, while free, and particularly wealthy, women wore kept long hair and
experimented with a range of elaborate hairstyles.1° It seems iikely, then, that the jovial
scene on the hydria showing women performing a slave-like task might actually be
women basking in their ability to leave the home.
Examining the Fountainhouse Scene closely reveals that the women depicted are
all barefoot. This suggests that collecting water may have had ritualistic connotations
or implications. Afterall, "[t]he most important role played by women in the public
sphere was in religion.'m Married women attended the Thesmophoria, a festival
in honor of Demeter, "goddess of the fertility of the earth."12 Perhaps there was an
association between Demeter and the earth's bearing of spring water. Perhaps the
"ritual" of gathering spring water from the fountainhouses symbolized a woman
receiving fertility from the earth; the connection between spring water and fertility
may even be at the root of the reason why women were permitted into the public to
perform the task of gathering water. Ritual was one of the most important aspects of
Greek life, and women played an important, even critical, role. That women played
such a crucial role in ritual is indicative of their social presence.
Additionally, as aforementioned, the women depicted in the Fountainhouse Scene
carry amphorae. This was not an arbitrary choice on behalf of the painter. Amphorae
were, like hydria, reserved for women's use. They also served a ritualistic function:
amphorae depicted women's funerary scenes and contained women's mortuary
remains. The amphorae may allude to how rituals are evident throughout the human
iifecycle: the fountainhouse may be a giver of fertility, while the amphorae, despite
being used during life, would also mark the end of life.
Given what is known about women's public roles, it seems plausible that a
woman would have had no part in the hydria's creation. However, Marjorie Susan
Venit offers evidence in favor of the existence of female artisans. Additionally, she
suggests that although "[t]extual sources are slight" what exists "are to be dated to the
42 ° The Wittenberg History Journal
fifth century."Is This timeframe coincides with the approximate time the Fountainhouse
Scene may have been created. Venit also references a votive depicting a scene which
"has been interpreted as a woman kneading clay."14 Another vase, a hydria, that Venit
cites shows "the picture [of] a single female figure who also works on the vase."
s
Although Venit provides evidence that women may have been allowed some role in
vase production, she addresses a "curious element" concerning that aforementioned
female figure, which is that "the platform on which the female worker sits [has]
raise[d] her above the other craftsmen, setting her off from her colleagues."1 This
only leads to more confusion about women's working lives. It is not known whether
this was done merely to segregate the sexes, or if this woman, being a female, was
regarded as "different" or "foreign." Perhaps she simply did not belong here but she
had the influence to dabble in craftsmanship; her status may have allowed such
influence, and she was raised above her colleagues accordingly. Indeed, the female
worker "gives us the only extant example of a woman at work in a vase studio in
Attic art" and other "epigraphic material...give[s] no names of women among Attic
vase painters and potters." 7 So, was the painter of this vase influenced by a rebellious,
influential woman who chose to work in a studio? Was this a possible political
statement on behalf of women? Or does the image represent a social situation that
was more common than the extant male-authored literature suggests? Since this
example is one-of-a-kind in the current corpus of Greek art, answers to these questions
remain speculative until further evidence is brought to light.
Contrary to Venit's example of a female studio worker are several depictions of
women performing "women's work."18 Women performed work as spinners, weavers,
woolworkers, washers, midwives, nurses, vendors, bakers, and cooks. Perhaps, as
opposed to the fountainhouse women, these women had an economic purpose in
working. The fountainhouse would only be visited by women whose families could
not afford slaves, but the fact that the fountainhouse was the only public outlet for
the less wealthy women suggests that they were wealthy enough to not have to work.
Their work remained in the realm of domestic chores, not maintaining a livelihood.
The existence of these relatively well-off women would have been documented on
stelae and amphorae, for example, because their families, despite not being able to
afford a slave, would have been able to afford such luxuries.
Depictions of working women did not coincidentally appear, however. The
Fountainhouse Scene, like scenes of weavers and bakers, would have been part of 
"It]he
ripe archaic period" which was "most inventive."2° During the Archaic period, which
has already been discussed, "[t]he...art is above all descriptive, [and] genre scenes
abound."21 Such genre scenes would have been extended to include depictions of
women working. That the Fountainhouse Scene is painted on a hydria is important not
only because hydriai were water-carrying vessels, but because they afforded an outlet
for "storytelling."2B Since these vessels would have been used by women, perhaps it
was artistically more appropriate to paint stories and women instead of warfare.
Not only did these stylistic choices emerge during the Archaic period, but the
Fountainhouse Scene also represents Archaic trends. Despite the fact that the women
appear much livelier than their sculptural counterparts, their clothing offers Archaic
clues. In particular, the woman second from the viewer's left is dressed very similarly
to Kore, No. 682, (Figure 2) dating to 520 BCE. While the Kore wears her mantle over
Vol. XXXVIII, Spring 2009 43
one shoulder, the folds of the drapery and the appearance of the garment itself is very
similar to that of the fountainhouse woman.
Contemporary to these Archaic trends in clothing and occupations were WOmen
who defied the stereotypical notion of the oppressed housewife. One woman,
Elpinice, was born in 510 BCE and "remained very much a visible woman after her
marriage" to CaIiias and lobbied Pericles twice)3 Having remained politically and
inteIlectually visible signifies that a large enough sector of society would have accepted
Elpinice's visibility for her to continue in her actions. Aspasia, Pericles' wife, was
another woman who remained politically and intellectually involved and even freely
visited with Socrates. Lastheneia studied philosophy not with a private tutor in her
home but with Plato at the Academy in Athens. Not only were these women, just a
few examples of their kind, allowed to receive an education, but were permitted to
do so publicly. Telesilla was a renowned intellectual and poet in her own right, but
she "also organized and led a successful defense of her native city, Argos, against
an invading army of Spartans. She was honored for both service to the muses and
military victory."24 Plangon, born in 404 BCE, also independently sought victory, but of
a different kind. Plangon's father had been a general and was dismissed on charges of
embezzlement. Upon hearing this, her husband, Mantias, divorced her while she was
still pregnant and later refused to acknowledge the child as his own. He remarried, but
remained sexually attracted to her. Another son was born, and again, Mantias would
not recognize the child. With her two sons denied citizenship because of Mantias'
actions, Plangon sought justice. She presented Mantias with a settlement and enlisted
an arbiter. After Plangon's pressure, Mantias folded and acknowledged his sons, who
became rightful citizens. Independently ensuring her sons' citizenship was possible not
only because of Plangon's perseverance, but also because society was not so stringent
as to disallow this from happening. These examples of women's mobility may also
apply to the fountainhouse scene. The women may not be the oppressed housewives
scholars would have us believe, but are perhaps more free than first thought.
Each woman depicted on the hydria (with the exception of two that share
a vessel) carries an amphora, a vessel that would have been reserved for women's
use. Although the women in this scene carry amphorae, the vessel itself is a hydria,
which would have been used for "water transport and storage"2s and therefore would
have been carried by women. Notice also the vessel's lack of inscription. While
many vessels used by men by this time featured an inscription, this one very clearly
is v lthout one. Many wealthier Athenian women would have been literate, so this
vessel may not suggest female illiteracy, but female literacy may have been superfluous
in the public sphere.2 Even the women whose families could not afford for them not
to work would not have needed to be able to read and write to perform the tasks which
were assigned to them, such as baking and midwifery.
Despite inferred reasons as to why women were responsible for visiting the
fountainhouses, it is clear that the t ountainhouse Scene on the Archaic hydria offers a
rare glimpse into the lives, duties, and publicality of women.
44 ° The Wittenberg History Journal
Figure 1: Hydria depicting Fountainhouse Scene. c. 510 BCE27
Voi. XXXVIII, Spring 2009 • 45
Figure 2: Kore, No. 682. c. 520 BCE 8
46 The Wittenberg History Journal
Bibliography
Cohen David. "Law, Society, and Homosexuality in Classical Athens." Past and Present Society
117 (November 1987).
Golden, Mark, "Slavery and Homosexuality at Athens." Phoenix 38.4 (Winter 1984).
Hindley, Clifford. "Law, Society, and Homosexuality in Classical Athens." Past andPresent
Society 133 (November 1991).
Huddilston, John Homer. Lessons From Greek Pottery. London: The Macmillan Company, 1902.
Lightman, Marjorie and Benjamin Lightman. Ancient Greek and Roman Women. New York, New
York: Facts on File, Inc., 2000.
Moignard, Elizabeth. "Tools of the trade." In Word and Image in Ancient Greece, eds. N. Keith
Rutter and Brian A. Sparkes. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press Ltd., 2000.
Munsterberg, Hugo and Marjorie. World Ceramics From Prehistoric to Modern Times. New York,
New York: Penguin Group, 1998.
Pedley, John Griffiths. Greek Art and Archaeology. Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall,
2007.
Snodgrass, Anthony. "The uses of writing on early Greek painted pottery." In Word and Image in
Ancient Greece, eds. N. Keith Rutter and Brian A. Sparkes. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press Ltd., 2000.
Symons, David J. Costume of Ancient Greece. New York: Chelsea House, 1987.
Venit, Marjorie Susan. "The Caputi Hydria and Working Women in Classical Athens." The
Classical World 81.3 (March-April 1988).
Webster, T. B. L. "Attic Vase Painting during the Persian Wars." Greece & Rome 1.3 (May 1932).
Endnotes
1 J hnGrif thsPed ey GreekArta1dArchae l gy(UpperSadd eRiver NewJersey:PrenticeHa 2 7) 198.
2 Ibid., 205.
3 J mH merHuddi st n Less nsFr mGreekP tterIL nd n:TheMacn il anC mpany 19 2) 46.
4 J hnGrif thsPed ey GreekArtandArchael gy(UpperSadd eRiver NewJersey:PrenticeHa 2 7) 174.
s Ibid., 298.
6 Ibid., 298.
7 Ibid., i74.
8 Ibid. 214.
9 Ibid., 212.
10 David J. Symons, Costume of Ancient Greece. (New YoIk: Chelsea House, 1987).
1i John Griffiths Pedley, Greek Art and Archaeology (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 2007), 214.
12 Ibid.
3 Marjorie Susan Venit, "The Caputi Hydria and Working Women in Classieai Athens," The Classical World 81.3
(March-April !988): 265.
14 Ibid., 266.
Vol. XXXVIII, Spring 2009 47
s Ibid., 267.
6 ibid., 267.
lz Ibid. 269.
8 Ibid., 265.
19 Ibid.
2o T. B. L. Webster, "Attic Vsse Painting during the Persian Wars," Greece &Rome 1.3 (May 1932): 138.
1 Ibid.
22 Ibid., 139.
3 MarjorieLigh manandBeniaminLightman, Ancient Greek and Romal Women (New York, NewYork: Facts on File,
Inc., 2000), 92.
4 Ibid., 219.
25 Anthony Snodgrass, "From The uses of writing on early Greek painted pottery' in Word and Image in Ancient Greece, eds. N.
Keith Rutter and Brian A. Sparkes (Edinburgh: Edinbmgh University Press Ltd., 2000), 29.
2s Ibid.
2z John Griffitbs Pedley, Greek Art and Archaeology (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice HalI 2007), 175.
28 John Griffiths Pedley, Greek Art and Archaeology (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hail, 2007), 183.


The Fountainhouse of Archaic Athens

Hahn, Anna

¢ • The Wittenberg History Journai
Hartje Paper:
John Foster Carr: Humanitarian and Advocate
for the Huddled Masses
Anna Hahn
The passage of time has obscured the name of John Foster Carr, but his impact
on the lives of millions of European immigrants in New York City at the turn of the
twentieth century is unmistakable. As founder of the Immigrant Publication Society
and Secretary of the National Liberal Immigration League, Carr worked tirelessly
to battle the racism, poverty, and inequality faced by recently-arrived immigrants.
Although he wore many hats--public speaker, author, activist--Carr was at heart a
humanitarian, someone who cared deeply about his fellow human beings and made it
his personal mission to soften the challenges of assimilation in the United States.
During his lengthy career, Carr worked alongside hundreds of other
philanthropists and members of the Progressive Party, petitioning members of
Congress, imploring wealthy donors, and appearing at public functions throughout
his city. The documents he left behind are a testament to the breadth of his impact.
Through the sizable written record of his professional accomplishments, now kept
in the archives of the New York Public Library in New York City, historians can
rediscover his legacy and share it with the world? In this way, scholars reveal his
positive impact on American society and thereby inspire progressive-minded citizens
of the modern world to celebrate and embrace Carr's legacy.
Throughout his career, Carr was quite active politically, carefully watching
legislation pertaining to immigrants and urging politicians to support his cause. In a
letter to James P. McNichol of the Pennsylvania Legislature on March 29, 1911, for
example, Cart campaigned for a law that would provide equal life insurance benefits to
immigrants, reminding the senator that "equal treatment to the alien...is in conformity
both with the high principles of morality and with the spirit of our American
institutions."2
In charitable spheres, Carr supported groups such as the New York Association
for Improving the Condition of the Poor, which, amongst other causes, raised
money to send immigrant children to summer camps outside of the city. The poster
advertising the opportunity to contribute to this particular fundraiser reminded
prospective donors that "such children sorely need a break in the monotony of their
cheerless lives...for mind's sake and...for the future welfare of the city itself." The
poster boasted pictures of frail children swhnming, hiking, cooking out, and taking
hayrides, activities which the caption described as "real country joy for city kids."3
Carr also battled the racism and eugenics-based thought that plagued the
immigrant experience in the early twentieth century. In a speech entitled "Immigrants
Are Not Criminals: The Facts," given in November 1910, Carr fought a favorite
stereotype of Nativists at the time.4 "The truth," Carr maintained, 
"is 
that we ourselves
are a lawless nation. It is not the fault of the foreigner."s And while Carr held that
there was a need to teach newcomers the American ways, he was also able to strike
an important balance between assimilation and coercion, the need to welcome
newcomers as they were while simultaneously teaching them to be Americans. He
urged immigrants to learn English and claim citizenship, but he also told recently-
" "be your birth and your family."6 In doing so, Cartarrived Jews to proud of your race,
helped to build the rich cultural history that America boasts today.
One of Cart's most practical accomplishments was the publication of his 
"Little
Green Books." In these guides for immigrants, written in their native tongues, Cart
offered advice about how to find a job, briefly explained U.S. government, currency,
and geography, and highlighted important American laws. The statutes he chose to
explain to the immigrants illustrate both the cultural differences between European
societies and the United States and the legal problems that the mass immigration
caused. At one point, for example, Cart explained to Jewish readers that it was illegal
to marry a girl under the age of eighteen without the permission of her parents.7
Writing for the Italians, he reminded his audience to "never give wine or beer to
children," an admonition that did not appear in the books for Poles and Russian Jews.8
Some of the contemporary legal issues, however, spanned enough ethnic groups that
Carr felt the need to include them in all versions of his book: in bold, capitalized script
Cart made sure that the immigrants knew that "bigamy is a crime," and that 
"the
fact that the first wife lives in Europe and has never been to this country makes no
difference."9
John Foster Carr represented a group of men and women who helped to ease the
difficulties immigrants faced by offering both direct aid and by acting as an advocate in
the political and legal spheres. Although the impact that Carr had on American history
has been largely forgotten, historians must continue to recognize him for his personal
devotion to human uplift, for his tireless labor on behalf of the 
"huddled 
masses," and
for his establishment of a legacy that shows the promise of progress through liberal
action. The rediscovery of Carr demonstrates that careful research in history ensures
that 
past 
humanitarian work is not forgotten and thus shapes a fuller understanding of
the human experience.
Endnotes
1 AII information regarding John Foster Carr and his li[e's work was accessed thr°ugh the arctdves °f the New Y°rk
Public Library during a research trip to New York City conducted by the author in October 2007.
2 john Foster Cart to james p. McNichol, 29 March 1911, Box 1, John Foster Carr PaPers, Manuscript Divisi°n' New
York Public Library, NY NY. [Hereafter all sources from this eoliection will be cited as the ]FC Papers].
3 Three Page Advertising Poste from the New York Association for Improving the C°nditi°n °f the P°°r B°x 1' JFC
Papers.
4 "Immigrants Are Not Criminals:TheFacts,'PublieSpeechgivenbyJ°hnF°ster Cart' 17 November !910, JFCPapers.
5 ,,Restrictions on immigration,, Public Speech given by John Foster Carr at the Pe°ple's Institute' 9 Apri11911' JFG
Papers.
3 • The Wittenberg History Journal
6 JoFal Foster Carr, A Guide to the United States for the Jewish Immigrant (Immigrant Publication Society, New York), 63-64.
Accessed through the FC Papers.
7 Ibid., 36.
8 I hnF ster arr AGuidet theUnitedStatesfrthMtalianImmigrant(ImmigrantPubicati nS ciety NewY rk) 54.
Accessed through the JFG Papers.
9 Ibid., Jolm Foster Cart, k Guide to the United States for the Jewish Immigrant, 37, and A Guide to the United States for the
Polish lmmi ant. All accessed through the JFG Papers.


Hartje Paper: John Foster Carr: Humanitarian and Advocate for the Huddled Masses

DeSantis, Brian

Peace in the Midst of Hell: The Evolution of Truces During the First World War

Rose, Kevin

The Life and Death of 30 Ferncliff Place
Kevin Rose
"If only those walls could speak."
Most people disregard a house's ability to live. For them, life is an exclusive
scientific and religious phenomenon sSparated from the natural world of lumber and
brick. If one observes life as a child's first breath of air or a flower leaning to reach
more sunlight, this is certainly true. Imagine a house as assuming the life of the
people calling it home. Like any individual, it consists of the memories and stories
that occur in its presence. Words are not used to exemplify its beauty, as most of its
stories are lost in the shuffle of life and never find their way to words. For a house
that remains part of our landscape, these words are not needed. The walls breathe a
story that can never be recorded and therefore never duplicated. Families and eras
will come and go, a cycle repeating long after our lives are through. If still standing,
these stories are never complete. Unfortunately, walls cannot speak in demolished
houses. This narrative has ended for them, as they will only be remembered through
photographs and words. In Springfield, Ohio, this story has ended for the house and
home that sat at 30 Ferncliff Place. Once great, it now lives through narration alone.
In a city described as "booming" in the 1880s, due to its important role in the
modern industrial revolution, this house was born to Cyrus A. Phelps in 1887.1 While
Phelps, a cashier at a local bank, provided the finances for his new home, it was most
likely Charles Cregar who supplied the vision. Cregar helped shape much of late
nineteenth century Springfield, including City Hall, the market, and numerous
churches dotting the city landscape.2 It is appropriate that he should design such a
prominent house in appearance to sit among the Ferncliff mansions. Out an east
window one would see the King mansion, set upon a hill overlooking a growing
metropolitan area in the front and Wittenberg College to the rear. To the west sat the
grand white Geiger mansion, home to both a Wittenberg founder and its first
graduating female.3 For years to follow, the Phelps house would sit among these
mansions overlooking the city their owners helped to build.4
Phelps is an individual to which little information survives. He was the first
cashier and founding member of the First National Bank in Springfield, Ohio. There
he worked for twenty-six years before building the house at 30 Ferncliff Place for his
family to live.5 In their home, Phelps' five children might have had many roles
maintaining their living, including his only daughter, as their mother died years prior.6
Two sons had regular jobs, with the eldest working at the bank as a clerk. Phelps left
the bank in 1899 and sold the property two years later to John and Glenna Webb.7
John Webb made his fortunes in the railroad industry, working various jobs in the
field. Shortly after moving into the house, John was President of the Columbus,
Delaware and Marion Railway Company and ran his own railroad construction
company when he moved to New York 1910.8 Passing from railroad tycoon to
2 o The Wittenberg History Journal
industrialist, the Webbs sold the property to entrepreneur William H. Stackhouse.9
Stackhouse, like the house itself, characterized Springfield at the turn of the century.
He was a wealthy industrialist in the American city that defined the word. Industry
brought Stackhouse to Springfield, as part owner and branch general manager of the
Bettendorf Metal Wheel Company, and made him a name of national repute. While
calling 30 Ferncliff Place home, he was twice an advisor to President William G.
Harding and president himself of both the Chamber of Commerce and Manufacturers'
Association. Stackhouse moved from the house in 1922 when he became general
manger of the entire coml any, based in Iowa, and moved his permanent residence
there.1° Though maintaining a residence in Springfield, Stackhouse did not require
such an expensive and elaborate mansion.
The house at 30 Ferncliff Place sat through two forlorn years vacant while
Springfield continued to grow. The city surrounding this empty house added roughly
ten thousand people by 1925 when Dwight Roush bought the property and began his
own sanitarium.11 The house underwent obvious remodeling to accommodate such a
practice after years of being solely a private residence. This property became both a
medical practice and home to Roush, his wife, and various nurses for over twenty
years until they abandoned it during World War II. After another brief vacancy, the
house was carved into nine different apartments, a fitting fate for a house now so
close to a growing Wittenberg College. For fifty years, 30 Ferncliff Place was home to
hundreds of renters until it was purchased by the Delta Sigma Phi fraternity in 1992.12
Though renovated and used as their fraternity house from 1993 to 2001, neglect
allowed University politics to take control. The University purchased the house in
1998 from a struggling fraternity and ended 30 Ferncliff Place's impressive one
hundred and fourteen year life in one day to make way for new low maintenance
student apartments.13
While people often copy architecture and styles, a house can never be
duplicated. There are paths worn into the floorboards that can only come with a
hundred years of walking and children running with their friends. There are scratches
in tiles from long forgotten accidents and soot marks on window ledges from a
recently replaced wood heater. The traits breathe its life and history to anyone
entering its doors. The Phelps' home and Cregar vision at 30 Ferncliff Place had a
story all its own. These walls can no longer speak and we are now forced to
remember this marvel of a home through lonely words and dusty archives. Selected
Bibliography
Works Cited
A Biographical Record of Clark County Ohio. Chicago: S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1902.
Deed Record. Clark County Recorders' Office. 14 October 1901. v. 135, 44.
Deed Record. Clark County Recorders' Office. 22 March 1910. v. 169, 178.
First NationaI Bank: 63 Years of History. 1914.
The Life and Death of 30 Ferncliff Place ,, 3
Kunkel, Crista. "Delta Sigma Phi Fraternity to Relocate from 30 W. Ferncliff to
926 N. Fountain." The Torch (Springfield, Ohio). 3 April 2001. p. 3.
"W. H. Stackhouse, Aid to W. G. Harding, Dies." Springfield Daily News. 5 July 1935. p. 1-2.
Williams' Springfield City Directory. Cincinnati: Williams and Co, 1887-1996. Various directories
were used for reference throughout the years given.
Wolf, Tom to Nathalie. 22 March 1999. Ohio Historic Preservation Office, Columbus, Ohio.
Endnotes
1 Tom Wolf to Nathalie, 22 March 1999, Ohio Historic Preservation Office, Coiumbus, Ohio, 1. The name and date
are from Williams' Springfield City Directory For t887-88 (Cincirmati: Williams and Co, 1887), 317. Tom Wolf only
presupposes this as a possible theory. This educated assumption is due to the architectural and structural similarities
to Cregar houses and its date of construction coinciding with the height of his work. While there is no documentary
proof of this postulation, all evidence supports this theory.
2 Wolf, 1. This is drawn from architecturaI styles from across the city. Most features of the house belong to Cregar's
style. This is only an educated supposition as no documentation of the architect survives.
s A Biographical Record of Clark County Ohio, (Chicago: S. J. Clarke Publishing Company, !902), 84-6. H. R. Geiger
actually replaced a professor that left after the first year, but he is regarded across most accounts as a founding
member of the University. Alice Geiger is listed in some accounts as one of the First to graduate from Wittenberg.
4 Williams" Springfield City Directory for t887-88.
5 First National Bank: 63 Years of History (1914), 6 7.
6 Williams' Springfield City Directory for 1887-88, 317.
7 Deed Record, Clark County Recorders' Office, 14 October !901, v. 135, 44
8 A discrepancy exists between this paper and earlier versions. It was originally thought that the Webb family did
not Iive at the property due city-wide address changes. From 1887-1908 the property was listed as 2 Ferncliff Place.
This changed to 38 Ferncliff Place in 1909. Williams" Springfield City Directory for t908, 753. 1909, 685. 1910, 697.
1911, 673.
9 Deed Record, Clark County Recorders' Office, 22 March 1910, v. 169, 178.
4 ° The Wittenberg History Journal
10 W. H. Stackhouse, Aid to W. G. Harding, Dies," Springfield Daily News, 5 July 1935, p. 1-2. and Williams, 673.
11 Williams" Springfield City Directory for ¢ 923. and Williams' Springlqeld City Directory for 4925.
12 Numerous Williams' Springfield City directories were used to gather this information.
lz Crista Kunkel, "Delta Sigma Phi Fraternity to Relocate from 30 W. Femcliff to 926 N. Fountain," The TorchS April
2001, p. 3.


The Life and Death of 30 Ferncliff Place

Miller, Ryan

Stalin the Philosopher-King: The Soviet Totalitarianism as Realization of Plato\u27s Republic

Doty, Gabrielle

The Circuit Courts of South Africa: An Analysis of Justice

Wittenberg University East Asian Studies Journal

Table of Contents
 
UNESCO State of Conservation: 
Chinese World Heritage Sites 
By Colin Blais (Syracuse University) …………………..…….….....
 
 
 
1
The Star-Spangled Taegukgi:  
Investigating the Use of the Flag of the United States within 
Citizen Demonstrations in South Korea 
By Zhen Yi Chong (National University of Singapore) …...………
 
 
 
25
Deadly Obsessions: 
Cultural Influences Behind Karoshi 
By Jesus Alberto Rios (Florida State University) ..…………………
 
 
35
The Deeper Beauty of the Tang Dynasty:  
A Socio-Political Examination of Zhou Fang’s Ladies Wearing 
Flowers in their Hair 
By Adrian Butler (University of Colorado Denver) …...…………...
 
55
Tattoos in East Asia: Conforming to Individualism 
By Morgan J. Macfarlane (University of Puget Sound) …..………...
 
65
Artworks 
By Deanna Volz (Wittenberg University) ….………………..……..
 
85
Mission Statement  ……………………………………………... 89


Mission Statement

Karoshi and karojisatsu are medico-social phenomena observed in Japan comprise of people either killing themselves, or dying from having intense health deterioration due to overwork. It’s mostly known in the context of this county, but the bulk of this research in the topic surrounds its link to long working hours rather its potential socio-cultural roots. This study focuses on providing a clear panoramic view of the phenomenon (what it is, who does it affect and how has it progressed through time), followed by a cross-cultural comparison of the phenomena to look for cultural influence in its manifestation. Following a secondary source, qualitative format this study makes a case for how some cultures are more susceptible to this kind of incidents than others

Rios, Jesus

Deadly Obsessions: Cultural Influences Behind Karoshi

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