Journal Phasis - Greek and Roman Studies

Provenza, Antonietta

English

Musical Remedies for Deadly Problems. Music Therapy in the Homeric Poems

Kobakhidze, Ekaterine

Tanaquil of Tarquinii

Alexidze, Lela

Imago et similitudo Dei

Moustakas, Georgios

Σεφερικές επιδράσεις και αναλογίες στην κυπριακή λογοτεχνία

Gagua, Iamze

Phasis 12, 2009 
 
Iamze Gagua (Tbilisi) 
WAR AND JUSTICE ACCORDING TO CICERO AND VIRGIL 
In his tract De officiis (On Duties) Marcus Tullius Cicero speaks about 
norms and rules of behaviour: ultimate kindness, cognition of the truth, 
high spirituality, charity and justice. He mainly draws on concepts of stoi-
cism, the views of Panetios and Dionysius, as well as Plato's philosophical 
writings.  
The discourse about war and morality is particularly noteworthy in 
this tract – What kind of war is considered fair? When is it necessary? 
What rules should be observed during war? How should the winner treat 
the loser? When is waging war justified?  
According to Cicero, there are two ways of settling a dispute: that of 
negotiations and that of violence. The former is characteristic of men and 
the latter is of beasts. The use of the second (violent) method can only be 
justified when it is impossible to resolve the problem through the first 
method (negotiations) (De officiis, I, 34). 
Cicero believes that one should find every possibility to settle disputes 
peacefully and by way of negotiations and not rush into war. However, 
avoiding war should not become an end in itself. One should engage in 
war only if one expects a positive result from this. War should be a means 
of attaining peace. A clever commander decides in advance what good 
and what bad a war may bring to his country and he should be aware of 
how he will act in either case, so that he does not have to justify himself 
saying he had not contemplated this. Starting a war suddenly, attacking 
an enemy without preparation is a wild act, characteristic of beasts. Wise 
people should avoid this. They should be convinced of the rationality of 
their actions (De officiis, I, XXIII, 79-81). 
Cicero distinguishes just and unjust wars. According to him, when one 
side voices grievances to the other and states in advance what the essence 
Iamze Gagua  
 
146 
of the dispute is, such a war can be deemed just. The concept of a just war 
was strictly defined by the priests of Feciales, the Deity of Fidelity (Dius 
Fidius). They were due to hold negotiations, declare wars and conclude 
truces. No citizen had a right to engage in battle without taking an oath. 
Cicero cites specific examples from Roman history, when in one instance a 
father asks the commander-in-chief to allow his son to take an oath in or-
der for him to be able to take part in the battle. In another case, a father 
advises his son to refrain from a battle because he has not taken the oath 
(De Officiis, I, 36-37). This example is clear evidence of the attention Ro-
mans attached to military discipline.  
Cicero distinguishes two kinds of wars: one is the Romans' war with 
the Celt-Iberians, Cimbrians, which was conducted for the sake of sur-
vival; another is a war with Latins, Sabinians, Samnitians, Punicians, 
Pyrrhus - for the sake of gaining power and dominion. As far as Rome's 
power and grandeur are concerned, Cicero finds the latter quite accept-
able. Later, in the epoch of Augustus, famous poets and historians came to 
back this idea. Cicero believes that the basis for wars of power and great-
ness should be as solid as those of ‘just’ wars. Apart from this, the winner 
should demonstrate tolerance towards the loser, especially, if the defeated 
enemy throws down weapons and surrenders, or if the enemy does not 
exhibit cruelty in the battle. The winning nation should undertake an obli-
gation to take care of the population of the losing side; it should become 
their protector and defend the peace of the obedient country (De officiis, I, 
35). This was the rule the Roman state observed it its expansionist policy.  
Cicero speaks about ethical norms during war. He believes that warri-
ors should not break an oath given to the enemy, even if this costs them 
their life. He cites the example of Roman consul Regulus. During one of 
the Punic wars, he fell captive but did not break the promise he had given 
to the enemy and returned to Carthage from Rome (where he had been 
dispatched by Punicians to negotiate the return of Punician captives held 
by the Romans), even though he knew that he would not escape execution. 
After this Cicero recalls an example demonstrating the high moral stan-
dards of the Romans, when one of the warriors of King Papirus of Ether, 
came to the Romans and promised them he would poison Pyrrhus and 
ensure their victory this way. Romans captured the traitor and sent him 
back to the king (De officiis, I, 39). 
Ciciero assesses not only the noble acts of Roman citizens but the en-
emy's virtue as well. He speaks with great appreciation about the noble 
behaviour of King Papirus, who freed Roman captors without demanding 
a random. Cicero admires the king's nobility (De officiis, I, 38). 
War and Justice according to Cicero and Virgil 
 
147
Cicero believes that the kindness that true men demonstrate towards 
their compatriots, as well as towards the enemies, during wars should be 
duly appreciated.  
Cicero almost does not mention the issue of civil wars in this tract, al-
though he mentions in passing a confrontation between Caesar and Pom-
peius. He believes that a war aimed at attaining glory and primacy is unac-
ceptable because when one struggles to become the only ruler, it is difficult 
to defend justice. Such people cannot tolerate when other people defeat 
them in discussions about laws, justice and other issues (De officiis, I, 38). 
It is interesting to see how the Roman poet Virgil's views of war ethics 
are compatible with Cicero's views about the same issue. Cicero's tract De 
officiis was written in 44 BC, while Virgil's Aeneis was written later, in the 
year 19 BC in Augustus' era. The poem famously aimed to portray Rome's 
state power. Despite the fact that Aeneis is a poetical piece and the author 
does not convey his ideas about war and morality directly, the actions of 
the main hero, Aeneas and his comrades, as well as their opponents dur-
ing the war, makes it possible to talk about Virgil's concept about war and 
morality.  
Is it possible to justify Aeneas' Trojan hero's battle with the Italian 
population? At first glance, his opponent, Turnus, the commander of the 
Rutulians, is right when he sees Aeneas as a foreign aggressor striving to 
deprive him of his fiancée, the daughter of Latinus, the king of the Latins, 
as well as of his kingdom: 
Turnus adest medioque in crimine caedis et igni 
       terrorem ingeminat: Teucros in regna vocari.  
                                                    Aeneis, VII, 578-579 
Advectum Aenean classi victosque penatis, 
             inferre et fatis regem se dicere posci.  
                                              Aeneis, VIII, 11-12 
The main motive of Turnus’ struggle is that they are going to steal his 
fiancée and his kingdom is going to be lost too. That is to say, he is driven 
by personal interest. He disregards the Gods’ prophecy that Latinus is to 
have her daughter marry a foreign hero: 
Nil me fatalia terrent. 
si qua Phryges prae se iactant, responsa deorum, 
sat fatis Venerique datum, tetigere quod arva 
fertilis Ausoniae Troes. sunt et mea contra 
fata mihi, ferro sceleratam excindere gentem 
coniuge praecepta... 
                                              Aeneis, IX, 134-138 
Iamze Gagua  
 
148 
This is one of the main characteristics of an unjust war, which accord-
ing to Cicero, is a war not serving national interests. Turnus opposes the 
glorious future of the Italian people, which is to be achieved through ties 
with the Trojans.  
The following arguments justify the fairness of Aeneas‘ struggle: 1. He 
fulfils his divine mission as he leads the Trojans to settle in their new 
homeland, where he was instructed by the high Gods to lead them; 2. He 
appeals to King Latinus and concludes an agreement according to the 
rules; 3. When war became unavoidable, he does not rush into war and 
awaits his opponent; 4. Aeneas does not seek glory or primacy; he is 
obliged to take care of his children; 5. In addition, Aeneas defends the in-
terests of the people who are troubled by the cruelty of the Etruscan king.  
Aeneas’ demand is modest. All he wants is a small place where he 
would rest his Gods and give shelter to his war-weary fellow citizens. In 
return, he promises Latinus that he will not put him to shame and that his 
people will not come to regret the fact that the Trojans were given shelter 
(Aeneis, VII, 229-234).     
Aeneas does not ask Latinus for either the kingdom or his daughter. It 
is no wonder that King Latinus trusts him, because he believes in the di-
vine prophecy and has heard stories about Aeneas’ kindness. Apart from 
this, according to the prophecy, by becoming a relation of Aeneas, Latinus’ 
progeny will gain dominion over the whole universe (Aeneis, VII, 98-101; 
254-257). 
Therefore, Aeneas has reliable supporters in Italy. Evander, the King of 
Arcadians, also sees in ties with Aeneas a chance to save his people (Ae-
neis, VIII, 475-477). 
Nevertheless, Aeneas always tries his best to avoid war and solve eve-
rything peacefully. However, when this becomes impossible, he takes bat-
tle positions and does not rush into an attack, waiting for the enemy to 
attack first. Turnus ascribes this to the Trojans’ cowardice (Aeneis, IX, 55). 
Aeneas becomes involved in the battle only when Turnius’ army begins an 
assault. 
Consequently, Aeneas’ struggle is a struggle for survival. Therefore, 
according to Cicero, it is just. The Trojan hero still keeps trying to justify 
himself, saying he did not want this war. The agreement that was con-
cluded with Latinus, was violated twice at Turnius’ insistence. 
testaturque deos iterum se ad proelia cogi, 
bis iam Italos hostis. haec altera foedera rumpi. 
                                         Aeneis, XII, 581-582  
War and Justice according to Cicero and Virgil 
 
149
To the enemies who had come to ask him forgiveness he tells regretful-
ly that it would have been good had they not violated the truce and aban-
doned his friendship: 
quaenam vos tanto fortuna indigna, Latini, 
implicuit bello, qui nos fugiatis amicos? 
pacem me exanimis et Martis sorte peremptis 
oratis? equidem et vivis concedere vellem. 
nec veni, nisi fata locum sedemque dedissent, 
nec bellum cum gente gero; rex nostra reliquit 
hospitia et Turni potius se credidit armis. 
                               Aeneis, XI, 108-114 
Even the defeated enemy recognizes Aeneas as a just and worthy war-
rior (Aeneis, XI, 124-126) because he has qualities that Cicero believes are 
characteristic of the winner. Despite the fact that he sometimes exhibits the 
same cruelty as Turnus, which is not characteristic of a kind warrior, Vir-
gil still refers to him as ‘pius’. This is owing to the fact that even a hero 
struggling for a good cause is forced to struggle fiercely. This was the re-
lentless logic of war, something that cannot be relinquished even by a he-
ro.1 However, Turnus’ cruelty – putting the heads of defeated enemies on 
pikes and deriving joy out of this – is a sign of his spiritual weakness. Tur-
nus lacks wisdom and far-sightedness, something Cicero believes should 
be characteristic of a true warrior. He can only demonstrate raw power. 
This is power and arrogance.2 Turnus resents peace (Aeneis, XI, 460-461), 
while Aeneas is a fighter for peace. He agrees to a duel with Turnus with 
pleasure and demands a truce with Latinus in advance. This means that 
his ultimate aim is a union between the Trojans and the Latins. With this 
aim in mind, Aeneas engages in the duel to conclude this truce even at the 
cost of his death. For this reason, his struggle is not private but rather one 
that proceeds from the interests of his people, that is to say, it is just.  
Is Aeneas’s victory dangerous for the Latins? Will their name, lan-
guage and laws be destroyed? This issue troubles Goddess Juno who asks 
Jupiter to ensure that all this is preserved. The highest God promises his 
wife that: 
Sermonem Ausonii patrium moresque tenebunt, 
utque est nomen erit; commixti corpore tantum 
subsident Teucri. morem ritusque sacrorum 
                                                 
1  Glei R. F., Der Vater der Dinge, BAC, B. 7, Trier 1991, 219-220. 
2  Wilsthire S. F., Public and Vergil’s Aeneid, The University of Massachustts Press, Am-
herst 1989, 96. 
Iamze Gagua  
 
150 
adiciam faciamque omnis uno ore Latinos. 
hinc genus Ausonio mixtum quod sanguine surget. 
                                 Aeneis, XII, 834-840 
Consequently, Aeneas’ struggle against Turnus is immensely impor-
tant. This should have laid the groundwork for Latin glory in the future. 
The strongest state in the world should have been formed which would 
have consolidated peace, suppressed the proud and forgiven the obedient 
(Aeneis, VI, 851-853). 
Certainly this pathos was fully in tune with Rome’s expansionist poli-
cy, the Romans’ aspiration for dominion over the world’s nations, some-
thing that was justified by Cicero’s concept, for a struggle in Rome’s inter-
est is regarded as a just struggle. Aeneas’ wars, his conduct towards his 
enemies is fully in tune with the norms Cicero expounds in his tract.  
 


War and Justice according to Cicero and Virgil

Abulashvili, Medea

Phasis 12, 2009 
 
Medea Abulashvili (Tbilisi) 
THE MYSTICAL PLOT OF GREEK WEDDING SONGS 
The three phenomena, birth, wedding and death are the most important 
phases in everyone‘s life, regardless of religion, epoch and culture. Since 
these stages, whether qualified as basic or transitional, exceed by their 
relevance the turning points of the ageing process, the function of their 
rituals is altogether distinct, the mystical implications of the accompany-
ing songs are unique and the implicit message conveyed through the ri-
tual texts is highly valuable. All the three stages are important not only to 
an individuals, but also to a family, kindred, clan, who would traditionally 
view these events from the perspective of household economy as well: as 
addition or loss to the family manpower. 
I have considered rituals and songs associated with death in another 
article1 and will not dwell on them now. As concerns birth rituals, they are 
not reflected in any category of folk songs. The Greeks do not have songs 
dedicated to the birth of son, which are so traditional and characteristic of 
Georgian folklore. Ideas and rituals associated with human birth cannot be 
traced even in lullabies. 
On the other hand, the special attitude of the Greeks to marriage and 
the wedding party is evident in all types of folk songs: mothers sing of 
their children‘s happy marriage and of preparing their dowry already in 
lullabies; young people never forget about their future spouse at any stage 
of seasonal rituals; they appeal to saints in songs to reveal the them the 
right person and perform the magic summer solstice rituals and songs 
with the hope of finding their life companion. The significance of marriage 
is accentuated even in the mourning songs. However, the high moral es-
                                                 
1  Abulashvili M., On Two Unusual Rituals, Phasis. Greek and Roman Studies, 5-6, 2003, 
9-15. 
Medea Abulashvili  
 
8 
sence of the event and the associated rituals are best of all manifested in 
wedding songs, which can be regarded as the most elaborate manifesta-
tions of the wedding mystery. 
If other wedding-related verbal folk patterns - verses, riddles, saws 
and prayers - can scarcely be heard nowadays, the oldest wedding songs 
remain surprisingly viable. They convey rich centuries-old information 
about wedding rituals typical of various epochs, nations or social strata 
and are illustrative of their evolution. These songs are very interesting in 
terms of folklore studies as well. 
The practice of performing bridal Greek songs with special content and 
purpose is evidenced from ancient times. The wedding hymns of the Ho-
meric epics are similar to later wedding songs.2 Below I will analyze these 
as well as some non-ritual songs to foreground the Greek bridal rites. They 
can be grouped with respect to several most important points of the tradi-
tional practice: betrothal, wedding preparations, the bride‘s farewell to her 
native environment, her arrival to the new family, the wedding festivity 
and the wake-up of the bride and the groom.  
Preliminary agreement through a match-maker was apparently an in-
dispensable prerequisite of marriage:  
Κρε παλλικαράκι σαν μ‘αγαπάς, τι παιρνοδιαβαίνεις και δε ρωτάς 
Lad, if you love me, why do you stride up and down and do not ask 
στείλε προξενήτρες σαράντα δυό και προξενητάδες πενήνδα δυό…3 
Send forty two middlemen and fifty two match-making women… 
Some songs express gratefulness or disappointment with the mach-
maker, depending on how successfully the couple was chosen:  
Ξοιός ήταν προξενητή, οπού να ζεί στον κόσμο 
που σμίξε το βασιλικόν αντάμα με το δυόσμο...4 
Who was the match-maker, wherever on earth he may live, 
who matched a dandelion with a pennyroyal… 
Ώνάθεμα τους γέρονδες και τους προξενητάδες... 
που ταίριασαν τον κόρακα με την περιστερούλα.5 
May the old men and the match-makers be cursed ... 
Who matched a crow with a turtle dove... 
                                                 
2   Sappho, Lyrics, translated from Greek into Georgian, introduced and commented on 
by N. Tonia, Tbilisi 1997, 18; Ξετρόπουός Β., Ώι παρομοιώσεις εις τα δημοτικά άσματα 
και παρ‘ Νμήρω, Ώνάτυπον εκ της Ιαογραφίας, τ. 3, Ώθήνα 1960, 379; Θαρκίδης Ζ., 
Νμηρηκές έρευνες, Ώθήνα 1944, 121.  
3   Passow A., Ρραγούδια ρωμαίικα, Ώθήνα 1928, 429. 
4   Ξετρόπουλος Β., Γλληνικά Βημοτικά Ρραγούδια, τ. ΐ΄, Ώθήνα 1959, 132. 
5   Ώραβαντίνος Ξ., Επειρώτικα τραγούδια, Ώθήνα 1996, 184.  
The Mystical Plot of Greek Wedding Songs 
 
9 
The next step was the betrothal which, according to the songs, could 
have occurred before the couple reached the nuptial age: in one song a lad 
tells his mother the name of his beloved and in return finds that he was 
engaged to that very girl: 
Κ‘ εκείνη, γιέ μου σ‘έχουμε μικραρρεβωνιασμένο 
κι‘ ακαρτερούμε το καιρό να κάνουμε το γάμο.6 
But we engaged you to her in your childhood 
and we wait for the time to hold the wedding. 
The symbol of wedding is a ring, which is pointed out in many Greek 
songs. In one of them a girl request of her beloved to give her a ring to 
make sure that his intentions are earnest (‗ζητά η κόρη δαχτυλίδι…’)7; the 
latter, however, answers that he is against their engagement (‘μη μου 
ζητήσεις μοναχά, κυρά, τον αρραβώνα/But, my lady, do not ask for en-
gagement‘). In another song, presenting a ring is equaled to marriage 
(‗Θόρη ο καιρός θα σου φέρει δαχτυλίδι8/Daughter, time will bring you a 
ring‘). The same tradition can be observed in Russian, Bulgarian, Serbian, 
German and Italian folklore.9 
It is known that these peoples, as well as Georgians, used to have a 
tradition of ‗buying a wedding‘.10 Greek folk songs point to the same prac-
tice:                  
Κε πούλησες, μαννέ μου για ένα δαχτυλίδι, 
You have sold me, mother, for one ring, 
δωσ‘ το μαννέ μου πίσω και ξαναγόρασέ με.11 
Give it back, mother, and buy me out. 
In another song the bride is delighted with her suitor‘s gifts:  
μυρίζουνε τα δώρα μου που μού‘φερε ο καλός μου12 
Fragrance comes from the gifts that my sweetheart brought me. 
Both the ceremony of engagement and the wedding rites were asso-
ciated with certain restrictions. In one song a young man asks the girl not 
                                                 
6    Ιύντεκε Γ., Γλληνικά Βημοτικά Ρραγούδια, τ. Ώ ,́ ‗Γλληνικά κείμενα‘, Ώθήνα 1947, 254.      
7  Θαψωμένου Γ. Α., Ρο Γλληνικό δημοτικό τραγούδι, η αίσθητική, ο μύθος και η 
ιδεολογία του, Οεθύμνου 1978, 47.  
8   Κέγας Α. Ώ., Γλληνικαί γιορταί και έθιμα της λαϊκής λατρείας, Ώθληναι 1956, 76.  
9   Karpeles M., Folksongs of Europe, London 1956, 171. 
10  Ivelashvili T., Bridal Rituals and Customs in Georgia, Tbilisi 1999, 160 (in Georgian).  
11  Κέγας Α. Ώ., 1956, 72. 
12  Γλληνικά δημοτικά τραγόυδια, βασική βιβλιοθήκη, 1958, 117.  
Medea Abulashvili  
 
10 
to step over the threshold of her fiancé‘s house until she becomes a bride 
and until their parents have agreed on the betrothal:13  
Ξ‘αυτήν τη θύρα μη διαβής, προτού να γίνεις νύφη!...  
Do not enter through this door, first become the bride!... 
Ε μάννα σου και η μάννα μου αντάμα κουβεντιάζουν  
Your mother and my mother are talking to each other 
εμάς τα δυό τα νιούτσικα να μας αρραβωνιάσουν.14 
to engage us, two young people. 
According to the songs, blood relationship between the couple makes 
no allowance for engagement and wedding. Several epic songs denounce 
cross-cousin marriage. They normally feature a mother cursing her son, 
who has fallen in love with his cousin: 
Αιάννο, να πέσει η γλώσσα νά‘χε κάει η καρδιά σου… 
Yanno, may you swallow your tongue, may your heart burn down 
που η Κάρω ειν‘ξαδέλφη σου...15  
Because Maro is your cousin... 
Θαλλιό ν‘ακούσω σάβανα για να σε σαβανώσω 
I would rather hear of your death and wrap you in a shroud 
Ξαρά ν‘ ακούσω στέφανα για να σε στεφανώσω…16  
Than hear of your wedding and put a crown on you... 
The epic songs have preserved a very scandalous episode, when moth-
er (or a step-mother, a widow, a priest‘s wife or a nun) makes up her mind 
to marry her son,17 which is so unacceptable in ethical, moral, traditional 
and psychological terms that:  
 ... ότι ακούει ο θεός, τρεις χρόνους δε μας βρέχει,  
 If God hears of it, it will not rain for three years, 
 ότι τ‘ ακούει κ‘ η μαύρη γη, τρείς χρόνους δε χορτιάζει18  
 If the black soil hears of it, it will not bear grass for three years. 
Greek songs offer some information about the nuptial age as well. 
Considering that in the Byzantine period the age of maturity was thirteen 
for girls and twelve for boys19, it is no surprise that a twelve-year old girl 
is married in well-known epic songs about the dead brother (‗Ρου νεκρού 
                                                 
13  A similar restriction applied to the bridegroom in the Georgian tradition: according to 
the custom practiced all over Georgia, the bridegroom was not allowed to enter the 
bride‘s home (Ivelashvili T., 1999, 79). 
14  Ξετρόπουλος Β., 1959, 109.  
15  Γλληνικά Βημοτικά τραγούδια, Ώκαδημίας 1962, 431. 
16  Γλληνικά Βημοτικά τραγούδια, 1962, 430. 
17  Γλληνικά Βημοτικά τραγούδια, 1962, 437-439. 
18  Γλληνικά Βημοτικά τραγούδια, 1962, 438.  
19  Θουκουλέ Σ., ΐυζαντινών βίος και πολιτισμός, τ. Β΄, Ώθήνα 1951, 76.  
The Mystical Plot of Greek Wedding Songs 
 
11 
αδελφού‘)20, while one love song (Δώδεκα χρονών κορίτσι)21 features a wi-
dow of the same age. Some songs even mention a ten-year-old girl who is 
eager to get married, but her mother will not let her until she turns eigh-
teen.22  
Apart from engagement, a traditional Greek wedding was preceded by 
intensive preparations which, according to Greek scholars, lasted twelve 
days.23 
Preparing the dowry, the wedding bread, the nuptial bed, washing the 
bride and the bridegroom, combing their hair and embellishing them – all 
this was accompanied by appropriate songs and featured in the lyrics: 
‗΋μορφα να στολίσετε της νύφης τα προίκια.../The bride‘s dowry is won-
derfully embellished... θα ζυμωθούνε του γάμου τα προζύμια.../the wed-
ding yeast will be kneaded... φέρτε χτένια να πλέξουμε την περδικά, που 
θα διαβή στα ξένα.../bring the comb, to comb a partridge, who will move 
to strangers‘... η νήφη μ‘ ποιος σε στόλισε; Ε μάνα μ‘ με στόλισε, τ‘αδέρφια 
αρμάτωσαν.../Bride, who has adorned you? My mother adorned me, 
brothers and sisters embellished me... στολίσετε τον γαμπρό να μη του 
βρου ψιχάι...24/Adorn the bridegroom so that no fault be found‘, etc. 
The songs accompanying wedding preparations include the first bless-
ings: ‗Δήσε νύφη μας...25/Many a happy day to you, our bride.../γαμπρέ 
χρυσέ, σ‘ ‗ευχομαι εγώ η μανούλα σου να ζήσεις να γεράσεις...26/Dearest 
bride, I, your mother, wish you to live and grow old‘ … and the like.  
Playing a hostility scene must have been part of the Greek wedding ri-
tual, which is suggested by the following lines: 
Βώστε το γαμβρό χρυσό μαντήλι και αργυρό σταυρό να πολεμίσει. 
Give the bridegroom a golden scarf and a silver cross to fight. 
Θάστρο βούλετε να πολεμήσει ... παλλικάρια μου, βοηθήσατέ με ... 
The fortress is going to fight … lads, help … 
κι άσπρα αν πάρωμε, δικά σας θά‘ναι, κόρ‘ αν πάρωμε, δική μου θά‘ναι.27 
If we take money - it will be yours, if the girl - she will be mine. 
                                                 
20  Ηωάννου Α., Ρα δημοτικά μας Ρραγούδια, Ώθήνα 1994, 45/13.   
21  Greek Folk Love Songs, translated from Greek into Georgian, introduced and com-
mented on by M. Abulashvili, Tbilisi 1999, 20-21. 
22  Νικονομίδης Β. Ε., Ααμηλιά έθιμα, Ιαογραφία Ώ΄, Ώθήνα 1953, 158. 
23  Κιρασγέζη Κ., Έρευνα στη δημοτική μας ποίηση, τ. Ώ΄, Ώθήνα 1965, 128.  
24  Ξετρόπουλος Β., 1959, 109 α΄, 110 α΄, 112 α΄, 114 β΄. 
25  Ξετρόπουλος Β., 1959, 114 γ΄/1-2. 
26  Ξετρόπουλος Β., 1959, 112 α΄/10. 
27  Ξετρόπουλος Β., 1959, 114 ε΄/1-5, 115 ε΄/9-10. 
Medea Abulashvili  
 
12 
Λα μπεί ο γαμβρός με τα σπαθιά...28 
Let the bridegroom enter with swards… 
I cannot help recalling the Georgian song containing wedding symbols: 
Boys, take guns, 
Let us get up, go to the river, 
Kill the female pheasant, 
And hang it over our shoulders.29 
or 
The king has had a hunt… 
He has killed a stag.30 
The mournful character of the songs that accompanies the bride‘s de-
parture from her father‘s home attracts special attention, and is dwelt 
upon in my article31.   
After the bride leaves her native home, the wedding party proceeds to 
the church (‗Γκκλησία μου... δέξου τους νιόγαμβρους32/My church… re-
ceive the newly-wed couple‘). The church rite is perfomed by the ceremo-
ny of entering the bridegroom‘s household, which is accompanied by 
blessing songs (‗Πτο σπίτι το πεθερικό, στη γειτονιά οπόυ‘ρθες … σαν 
δέντρο να ριζώνεις33/in your husband‘s house, in the neighborhood 
where you have come may your roots grow deep‘) and the compulsory 
ritual song to the mother-in-law, who is to welcome the wedded couple 
(‗Eβγα μανούλα του γαμβρού και παθερά της νύφης να δείς τον ακριβό 
σου γιό, μια πέρδικα που φέρνει.34/Come forth the bridegroom‘s mother 
and the bride‘s mother-in-law to see your dear son, who has brought you 
a partridge;35 Ξήγε μόνος, ήρθε ζευγάρι36/He went out alone and came 
back coupled‘). 
                                                 
28  Ξετρόπουλος Β., 1959, 125 ε΄. 
29  Georgian Folk Treasury, Poetry, vol. I, Tbilisi 1991, 88.  
30  Georgian Folk Treasury, Poetry, 1991, 89. 
31  On Two Unusual Rituals. Phasis. Greek and Roman Studies, 5-6, Tbilisi 2003, 9-13. 
32  Ώραβαντίνος Ξ., 1996, 187. 
33  Ξετρόπουλος Β., 1959, 124 α΄. 
34  Ξετρόπουλος Β., 1959, 124 β΄. 
35  In Greek wedding songs partridge and dove are the bride‘s metaphors, and eagle stands for 
the bridegroom (Ξετρόπουός Β., 1959, 113, 117 στ ,́ 121 ιθ ,́ 128, etc.). Georgian wedding poetry 
has exactly the same metaphors for the bride, while the bridegroom is presented as a falcon or 
a hunter (Georgian Folk Poetry, 1960, 264, 271 (in Georgian)). Scholars believe that symbolical 
and metaphorical reference to the bride and bridegroom in the ritual songs point to the custom 
of tabooing their names (Wilson W., 1953, 816).  
36  Ξετρόπουλος Β., 1959, 126 ι΄. 
The Mystical Plot of Greek Wedding Songs 
 
13 
The ritual continues with wedding festivity. Songs offer scarcely any 
evidence about this stage37, which, in my opinion, invites the following 
explanation: there is less necessity for magic songs at this stage as it is be-
lieved that after the church rite the threat from the evil weakens, and the 
wedding festivity goes on with various non-ritual songs.38 According to 
the songs, the final point of the nuptial rite is the wake-up of the newly-
wed couple (‗Μύπνα νιέ νιόγαμβρε... ξύπνα νιά νιόνυμφη39…/Wake up, 
young man, newly-made son-in-law…/Wake up, young lady, newly-
made daughter-in-law‘), which is rooted back in the ancient period.40  
As we see, the Greek wedding songs vividly feature nuptials as an in-
tegrated artistic phenomenon. The lyrics suggest that songs, whether 
charged with symbolic implications or not, accompanied each ritual stage 
of wedding preparations or the marriage ceremony itself. Although not so 
much diverse thematically, the songs are distinguished by an elaborate 
plot and style. 
The Greek folk songs show that wedding is the only ritual with a mys-
tical plot including culmination (the bride‘s departure from her native 
environment) and denouement (the festivity in the bridegroom‘s house-
hold). While the main participants of the wedding ritual are characterized 
by limited dynamism and emotional restraint, each song reveals the high 
respect which the couple‘s family, relatives and friends have for every 
mystical detail related to this most important event, and the anxiety and 
vigor which never abandon them during the lengthy ceremonial stages. 
Their words and actions clearly reflect the high responsibility, delight and 
reverence, with which the Hellenes used to perform wedding rituals 
throughout centuries.  
                                                 
37   I have come across only several songs where the wedding ceremony also includes the 
bride‘s dance, e. g. ‗Γμπήκ‘ η νύφη στο χορό με χαρά της/The bride joined the dance 
with delight‘ (See: Ξετρόπουλος Β., 1959, 128-129).  
38  Νικονομίδης Β., 1953, 171-172. 
39  Ξετρόπουλος Β., 1959, 128. 
40  Ώναστασιάδου-Ιεβαντή Ώ., Ν Πυμβολισμός εις τα δημοτικά τραγούδια και εις τα 
αρχαία ποιήματα, Ώθήνα 1937, 49-50.  


The Mystical Plot of Greek Wedding Songs

Pkhakadze, Manana

Chagunava, Raul

Phasis 12, 2009 
 
Manana Pkhakadze, Raul Chagunava (Tbilisi) 
FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE DATE OF DEATH OF 
JOHN (TORNIKE) SYNGELOS 
Georgian as well as foreign written records have preserved considerable 
information about the life and the last years of John born Tornike or John 
Syngelos, the founder of the Georgian monastery on Mount Athos, known 
as Iveron. However, the year of the death of this celebrated commander as 
a layman and later the renowned church father has not yet been estab-
lished and scholars propose various dates. 
Before the start of the 1940s, this date was believed to be 987, while 
Korneli Kekelidze suggested 985 with regard to the information on John 
Syngelos’ death in The Life or Our Blessed Fathers John and Euthymos by 
George the Hariogite (1, 225). 
This passage contains a list of offerings donated by the Georgian Ive-
ron Monastery to the Protat (the governing council of inter-monastery 
affairs on Athos) to be distributed to all the monasteries on the Holy 
Mountain: ‘And after the death of Tornike, on the Thirteenth Indiction 28 
litrai were distributed to the whole Mountain. They gave to the monastery 
in Ierissos houses with fences to the value of 7 litrai, as a shelter for travel-
ing brothers, and also, in the same place, the finest vineyards to the value 
of 5 litrai’ (2, 8, p. 62). 
Since the text mentions the Thirteenth Indiction, which corresponds to 
984-985, as the period following the death of John Syngelos, the scholar 
concluded that ‘Tornike’s death must have taken place before and not in 
the 13th Indiction, i. e. at least in 985’ (1, 225). 
H. Metreveli is of the same opinion (3, 60), although more frequently 
she mentions the period between 984-985 (3, 59, 72, 112). Eventually, the 
year 985 was established in the scholarly literature and was indicated in 
For the Establishment of the Date of Death... 
 
211
the encyclopedic entry devoted to John Syngelos as the date of his death 
(4, 695). 
To determine the date of death of John Syngelos, J. Lefort and D. Pa-
pachrissanthou referred in their work Les premiess georgiens a J’Athos, Bedi 
Kartlisa to a Byzantine document so far unknown to Georgian scholarly 
community. The document, which is an act of offering made to the Iveron 
Protat, was published as early as 1903 in Athens in G. Smirnitski’s work 
The Holy Mount. It had been issued by Father Superior John the Iberian 
and his son Euthymos in January 985, which marks its importance. 
Bearing in mind that John did not take part in composing this docu-
ment, J. Lefort and D. Papachrissanthou concluded that the holy father 
must not have been alive by that time. Consequently, they considered the 
year 984 as the upper boundary of the plausible time range for the hypo-
thetical date of John Syngelos’ death. As concerns the lower boundary, the 
scholars associated it with three Iveron documents dated by 982, which, 
along with John the Iberian, bears the signature of John Syngelos too. 
Hence, as the documents were dated by an indiction year, J. Lefort and D. 
Papachrissanthou considered 1st September 982 as the lower chronological 
limit for the holy father’s death and anchored the hypothetical date within 
this range (5, 13). 
The above-considered sources reveal that the date of John Syngelos’ 
death is known only in chronographical terms (i. e. in terms of years). I 
believe that some sources facilitate specification of the calendar date (i. e. 
month, day and year). In this respect we should consider an interesting 
finding by H. Metreveli, concerning the famous list of offerings in the 
name of John Angelos, included in the Athos book of offerings for the re-
pose of souls. The researcher’s attention was attracted by the date of the 
list, which is December 15th. In fact, the date is not connected with either of 
the Great Feasts, nor does it commemorate St. John, i. e. is not the name 
day of the Holy Father. In H. Metreveli’s opinion, inobservance of this rule 
may point to the fact that John Syngelos died on December 15th, and that 
the date was included among the offering days established in the Iveron 
monastery (3, 59). 
Identification of the day of John’s death facilitates precise identification 
of the death year, i. e. the full date of the event. It is 15th December 984, 
which falls within the mentioned 13th Indiction (1st September 984 – 31st 
December 985). The date of the above-mentioned document issued by 
John the Iberian and Euthymos the Athonite, January 985, belongs to the 
same period. Hence, the words of George the Athonite, ‘After the death of 
Tornike, on the Thirteenth Indiction 28 litrai were distributed to the whole 
Manana Pkhakadze, Raul Chagunava  
 
212 
Mountain’ precisely locate the death of John Syngelos (i. e. 15 December 
984), as well as the donation of offerings by the Iveron monastery for the 
repose of John Syngelos’ soul, in the following month (i. e. January 985) 
within the 13th indiction. 
The reliability of the mentioned date is also attested by another fact 
that brings us back to the above-cited passage from The Life of Our Blessed 
Fathers John and Euthymos. According to the second part of this passage, 
apart from money, the fathers ‘Gave to the monastery in Ierissos houses 
with fences to the value of 7 litrai (litra is a measure of wealth, an equiva-
lent to a pound), as a shelter for traveling brothers, and also, in the same 
place, the finest vineyards to the value of 5 litrai’ (2, 8, p. 62). 
The same facilities (with an insignificant variation) are mentioned in 
the documents issued by John the Iberian and Euthymos in January 985: 
‘A court with beautiful houses bought at eight litrai of gold so that broth-
ers travelling to Ierissos on business could find a shelter here. Also, a fer-
tile vineyard costing 5 litrai’ (5, 13). 
Factual conformity between the sources is very important and con-
firms the assumption that they refer to the same act of offering which, as 
implied by the Georgian source, was given out for the repose of the soul of 
late John Syngelos and which, according to the Greek source, was carried 
out in January 985. Since this offering was intended to commemorate late 
John Syngelos, the fact of holding it in January unquestionably points to 
the reliability of December 15th as the date of the father’s death.  
Besides, the parallelism of the above-mentioned information attested 
in the Georgian and Greek sources may serve as a proof to the fact that 
when describing the lives and activities of fathers of the Georgian monas-
tery, George the Athonite regularly consulted records and documents kept 
in the archive of the monastery. This is also confirmed by the statement 
which he specially cites after mentioning the offering of houses and a vi-
neyard in Ierissos: ‘And these details too we found in the records of our 
fathers’ (2, 8, h. 62). 
George the Athonite likewise referred to the archived records when 
indicating the Thirteenth Indiction in connection with the death of John 
Syngelos and with giving out the offerings. This precise date, together 
with December 15th mentioned in the offering document, enables us to 
date the death of John (Tornike) Syngelos by 15th December 984. 
 
 
For the Establishment of the Date of Death... 
 
213
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
Kekelidze K., Sketches of the History of the Georgian Literature, Tbilisi 1945.  
George the Hagiorite, The Life of Our Blessed Fathers John and Euthymos, Monaks on 
Mount Athos, Two Eleventh-century Lives of the Hegoumenoi of Iviron, translation, 
notes and introduction by Tamara Grdelidze, London 2009. 
Metreveli H., The Book of the Synodikon of the Georgian Monastery on Mount 
Athos, Tbilisi 1998. 
Bogveradze A., Tornike Eristavi, Georgian Soviet Encyclopedia, vol. IV, Tbilisi 1979. 
Lefort J., Papachrissanthou D., Les premiess georgiens a J’Athos, Bedi Kartlisa, vol. 
XLI, Paris 1983, 27-33. 
 
 
 
 
 


For the Establishment of the Date of Death of John (Tornike) Syngelos

Shukhoshvili, Maia

Phasis 12, 2009 
 
Maia Shukhoshvili (Tbilisi) 
TERMS OF ONTOLOGICAL STRUCTURE, ‘IMAGE-MAKING 
ART’ AND HUMAN ACTIVITIES IN PLATO’S SOPHIST 
When we analyze, translate and interpret Plato’s dialogues many prob-
lems appear. One of these problems is concerned with terminology of 
great philosopher’s texts. How can we find out exact Georgian translation 
of terms which have very specific philosophical meaning? If we can’t re-
solve this problem in right way our attempt will provide absolutely false 
interpretation of Plato and his philosophy. That’s why I think that it is 
necessary to do detailed analyses of each term of each passage and each 
dialogue. This is the right way. Our goal is to do some kind of analyses of 
several terms of Plato’s Sophist, their ancient Greek meaning and their 
equivalents in Georgian.  
The subject of our interest is analyses of the terms which we can divide 
in three groups according to their semantics. These groups are: 1. terms 
related to the ontological structure of the dialogue Sophist; 2. terms related 
to the ‘image-making art’ of Plato’s Sophist; 3. terms designated various 
human activities. The analyses of these terms will demonstrate how inno-
vative Plato is in derivation of words and in use of these words. 
Terms Related to the Ontological Structure of the Dialogue Sophist  
In Plato’s Sophist we have the following group of terms: εἰμί, τὸ ὄν, τὸ μὴ 
ὄν, τὰ ὄντα, ὀντώς, οὐσία. The verb εἰμί has several main meanings in 
Greek: 1. Existence: a) of persons, b) of the real world, c) of circumstances, 
events; 2. to be the fact of the case; 3. copula connecting the predicate with 
the subject; 4. copula with the participle to represent the finite verb; 5. after 
ἄρα to express a fact which is and has always been the same.1 The other 
                                                 
1  Greek-English Lexicon, by H. G. Liddell and R. Scott, Oxford 1961, 487-489. 
Terms of Ontological Structure... 263  
 
 
 
terms of this sub-group are derivatives from this verb and it is very diffi-
cult to find out the exact equivalents of them in Georgian or in other lan-
guages. Plato’s use of the verb ειμί in this dialogue is very specific and it is 
‘the being of real world’, the exact translation of this word will be ‘exis-
tence’. 
What about the terms τὸ ὄν and τὸ μὴ ὄν? Both of them are deriva-
tives from the verb εἰμί, the first with positive meaning and the second 
with negative one. These two terms form antonymous pair – being and 
non-being. These terms haven’t had the same meaning and haven’t been 
easy to understand for ancient Greeks. τὸ ὄν has the several different 
meanings: 1. something which abstractly exists; 2. the group of subjects; 3. 
the subject which has being2. These meanings are the same for the plural 
form of this noun - τὰ ὄντα. Besides this term has the meaning of οὐσία in 
Plato’s works. There are no exact boundaries between the meanings of the 
terms τὸ ὄν, τὰ ὄντα, οὐσία in Plato’s works. They have a lot of meanings 
and they are radically different from each other in various dialogues, pas-
sages and contexts of Plato. But one fact is clear – in any case all of them 
form oppositional pair with the term γένεσις – creation, coming into being. 
What about the term τὰ ὄντα? In ancient Greek the forms of this type, 
namely, neutral plural noun forms have the meaning of collective nouns. 
Therefore it is very difficult to translate this word into other languages 
and probably into Georgian. That’s why we decide to translate it as ‘be-
ings’ and in this way we gather under this meaning ‘all things which exist, 
which have being.’ 
It’s a good deal the proper translation of the term οὐσία. In ancient 
Greek this term have been used with the following meanings: 1. real es-
tate; 2. substance, essence; 3. true nature; 4. stable being.3 But in dialogues 
of Plato this term has the very narrow and specific technical meaning 
which is concerned with the opposition of the word γένεσις. That’s why 
we think that this term must be translated as ‘beingness’ or ‘beinghood’.  
It is very difficult to translate the word ὀντώς. Grammaticaly it is ad-
verbial form from the verb εἰμί and we prefer to translate it with adverb 
‘truly’. For example, ‘τόν ὀντώς σοφιστήν’ must be translated as ‘truly 
sophist’. 
One of very interesting terms of our dialogue is γένεσις which had ab-
solutely different meanings in ancient Greek, these are: 1. origin, source; 2. 
                                                 
2  Greek-English Lexicon, 1961, 488. 
3  Greek-English Lexicon, 1961, 1274. 
Maia Shukhoshvili  
 
264 
nativity, geniture; 3. production, generation; 4. creation; 5. generation, 
age4. In Plato’s works and namely in the Sophist this term is used with the 
very specific meaning ‘coming into being’ and is opposition of the term τό 
ὄν. In other words, something that is generated, that is producted, that 
needs to be coming into being is opposited to the thing that exists stable. 
And finally I want very briefly to pay attention to one of very impor-
tant terms. The main character of τὸ ὄν is that it possess’ some kind of 
power (κεκτημένον δύναμιν) and that’s why it truly exists and every-
thing whatever has being is nothing other than the power (δύναμις).5 
Here we have other interesting term - δύναμις, which has the following 
main meanings: 1. strength, power, ability; 2. outward power, influence, 
authority; 3. force for war; 4. means. In this dialogue Plato defines δύναμις 
as a motive of every being as something which constraint the things to 
exist. This term can be translated as a ‘power’ and also as ‘energy’. We 
prefer to translate it as a ‘power’ which implies in itself ‘energy’ too.  
After this let us to pay attention to one of very interesting terminologi-
cal group which is related to one of the activities of sophists – image-
making art. 
Terms Related to the ‘Art of Image-Maker’  
The dramatic setting of the dialogue gives us the definition of sophist as 
image-maker. This passage gives us very interesting vocabulary which is 
related to the essence of imitation. Namely, it is said that the sophist is a 
maker of images (εἴδωλα), a practitioner of image-making art 
(εἰδωλοποιίκη). The first division of this art is the following: images may 
be either likeness (εἰκόνα) or appearances (φάντασμα). These three terms 
don’t appear in one group in other dialogues of Plato.  
It is interesting that Plato’s discussion of ‘image’ is itself an image. Pla-
to’s argumentation is by analogy and we can see and demonstrate how 
these three terms are connected with each other and how Plato uses these 
terms in other dialogues. After this it will be clear for us that the doctrine 
of Sophist is very original and different from other later dialogues of Great 
philosopher. 
Image (εἴδωλον) in Sophist is a designation for the product of imitative 
arts. The original Greek meaning of this term is ‘phantasm’. This is the 
only meaning which we can find out in Homer and Plato also uses this 
                                                 
4  Greek-English Lexicon, 1961, 343. 
5  See Ambuel D., Image and Paradigm in Plato’s Sophist, Athens 2007, 115. 
Terms of Ontological Structure... 265  
 
 
 
term with this meaning.6 But in Plato more often this term has the mean-
ing of ‘vision’ and the other words which are derivated from this root. 
Image is visible but unreal part of being. Frequently this term is used with 
meaning of copy of something original. In the Sophist the works of artists 
are called εἴδωλα (images). In Republic (III 402b) this term is used to define 
the images in water and in mirror. The further development of this mean-
ing gives us new interpretation – the image is visible depiction of invisible 
beings. In Statesman (286a) it is said that for the greatest and the noblest 
beings we have no such image. In Phaedrus (2501) we have discussion that 
there is no such image of wisdom (φρόνησις). From these two passages 
we can conclude that the image is something visible and here we have 
discussion about the opposition of visible and invisible world.  
In other passages the meaning is related to the nature of image. It is 
something oppositive to the truth, original. In Gorgias (436b) Plato calls 
rhetoric the image of a part of politics.  
We can see how different meanings of ‘image’ in various dialogues of 
Plato are. We can conclude that despite such differences of the meaning of 
this term, all of them has one typical point, namely that the image is some-
thing which isn’t true, isn’t origin, isn’t real. 
Appearance (φάντασμα) is the term which very often in Plato’s dialo-
gues has the same meaning as image (εἴδωλον). All meanings of image 
(εἴδωλον) can be found for appearance (φάντασμα) as well. Very often 
these two terms are synonyms for Plato. In Republic (X, 596a) they are used 
with the meaning of ‘vision’. 
If appearance (φάντασμα) has other meaning it is generally related to the 
imagination, fantasy and mental production. For example once in Cratylus 
(386e) and once in Timaeus (46a) it is used with the meaning of ‘dream’ but in 
any case it is connected with the essence of ‘distance from reality’. 
Likeness (εἰκών) is one another term which designates ‘image’ and is 
used with this meaning but has other nuance and appears in later divi-
sions of sophist. This term is found in several contexts and its meaning is 
‘likeness’. Very often it means ‘analogy’ or ‘comparison’7. In contexts 
which are concerned with usage of this term as ‘image’ the meaning is the 
same that for εἴδωλον or φάντασμα. But it has other meaning too and it is 
the product of sculptor or painter or images in water and shadows8. But in 
                                                 
6  See Plato, Republic, III, 3864; Ion, 539a. 
7  See Phaedo, 87d; Meno, 80c; Gorgias, 571d. 
8  See Phaedo, 99e; Republic, VI 509d. 
Maia Shukhoshvili  
 
266 
any case this term is in one group with the other two and this group of 
terms is related with the theory of participation of great forms. And the 
formation of the group of this semantics is great merit of great philoso-
pher9. 
Terms Designated Various Human Activities 
And finally I want to consider terms which designate different human 
activities, sciences, arts. The most of them are so detailed and devaluated 
that we see Plato’s well-known irony once more, but it is interesting that 
most of them are products of Plato. 
In the Sophist there are 78 such terms. First of all it is interesting that 
Plato designates sophist’s activity with the term art (τέχνη) and no practice 
(τρίβη) or experience (ἐμπειρία). Practice is an ability to produce effects 
without true knowledge or any systematic method. The relation with 
sophists is very clear, but Plato uses the term art and says that the sophists 
have some kind of art. I think that in this dialogue the meaning of τέχνη is 
not art, it is ability, ability to do something and here is so-called Socratic 
irony. Let’s see which arts possess’ the sophists. 
Plato derivates the terms of human activities with three different ways: 1. 
First, it is the type of derivation of abstract nouns with suffix – ική. These are: 
ἀγωνιστική – the art of contention, ἁλιευτική – the art of angling, 
ἀνδραποδιστιική – the art of enslavement, ἀπατητική – the art of deception, 
αὐτοπωλική – the art of selling of own produce, βαλανευτική – the art of 
bathing, γναφευτική – the art of milling, γραφική – the art of painting, 
γυμναστική – the art of gymnastics, δημηγορική – the art of orators, 
διαιρετική – the art of division, διακριτική – the art of separating, 
διδασκαλική –  the art of teaching, δικανική – the art of law, δοξομιμητική – 
the art of imitation with appearance, δοξοπαιδευτική – the art spurious 
education, εἰδωλοποιική – the art of image-making, εἰκαστική – the art of 
producing of likeness, ἐμπορική – the art of merchandising, ἐνυγροθερική – 
the hunting on water animals, ἐπιδεικτική – the art of demonstration, 
ἐρκοθερική – the art of hunting with fishnet, ἐρωτική – the art of love, 
ζωοθερική – the art of hunting animals, ἡδυντική – the art of obsequiousness, 
ἡμεροθερική – the art of hunting on tame animals, θαυματοποιική – the art 
of miracles, θερευτική – the art of hunting, ἰατρική – the art of doctoring, 
ἰδιωθερευτική – the art of hunting for private aims, ἱστορική – the art of 
science, καπηλική – the art of chandlery, κολυμβητική – the art of swimming, 
                                                 
9  Ambuel D., Image and Paradigm in Plato’s Sophist, Athens 2007, 70-74. 
Terms of Ontological Structure... 267  
 
 
 
κολακική – the art of adulate, κοσμητική – the art of decoration, κτητική – 
acquisitive art, ληστική – the art of robbing, μαθηματοπωλική – the art of 
selling of knowledge, μιμητική – the art of imigation, μουσική – the art of 
music, νομισματοπωλική – the art of interchanging of money, νουθετητική 
– the art of suggestion, οἰκητική – the art of domestication, ὀρνιθευτική – the 
art of hunting on birds, παιδευτική – the art of education, πιθανουργική – the 
art of persuasion, πληκτική – the art of huntinc by kicking, ποιητική – the 
productive art, προσομιλητική – the art of interrelation, πυρευτική – the art of 
hunting near fire, σπογγιστική – the art of bath-house attendant, στρατηγική 
– the art of strategist, τεχνοπωλική – the art of selling different arts, 
τυραννική – the art of tyranny, φανταστική – the art of production 
appearances, φθειριστική – the art of liquidation of lice, φυχεμπορική – the 
art of trading by nourishing soul. The most part of terms are dervated in this 
way; 2. Second, it is the type of derivation of possessive nouns with suffix –
ικός. These are: ἀγκιστρευτικόν – the art of hunting with hooks, 
ἀγοραστικόν – the art of trading, ἀλλακτικόν – the art of interchanging, 
ἁμιλλητικόν – the art of competition, ἀμφισβητητικόν – the art of 
comparison, ἀντιλογικόν – the art of questions and answers, αὐτοποιητικόν 
– the art of creation, βιαστικόν – the art of violence, δωρητικόν – the art of 
making presents, δωροφορικόν – the art of receiving presents, ἐριστικόν – the 
art of eristics, καθαρτικόν – the art of purification, μαθηματικόν – 
mathematics, μαχητικόν – the art of fighting, μεταβλητικόν – the art of 
interchanging, μισθαρνητικόν – the art of taking fees, πεζοθηερικόν – the art 
of hunting on land-animals, χειρωτικόν – the art of procurence, 
χρηματιστικόν – the art of making money, χρηματοφθορικόν – the art of 
wasting money; 3. And finally, only one term from 78 is derivated with suffix 
–ία and this is φαρμακοποσία, which we translate as ‘the art of producing 
medicine’.        
And finally as a conclusion I want to say that Plato in Sophist shows us 
several and different ways of derivation or usage of philosophical terms: 1. 
In some cases he demonstrates traditional way, he uses well-known Greek 
term to designate some elements of his philosophical structure; 2. In other 
cases he uses some ancient Greek common terms and gives them specific 
technical meaning; 3. And finally sometimes he derivates new terms for 
his philosophical structure. As for the further perspective, I think that 
more detailed analyses of these terms will give us the possibility for new 
understanding and interpretation of Plato’s literary heritage. 


Terms of Ontological Structure, \u27Image-Making Art\u27 and Human Activities in Plato’s "Sophist"

Riedel, Volker

Verklärung mit Vorbehalt

Berikashvili, Svetlana

Κατάκτηση της δεύτερης/ξένης γλώσσας

Not a member yet