Journal Phasis - Greek and Roman Studies

Soto, Roberto

English

Το ζήτημα των ταυτοτήτων στην Ευρώπη: η περίπτωση του ελληνισμού

Gagua, Iamze

Phasis 15-16, 2012-2013 
 
Iamze Gagua (Tbilisi) 
Aeëtes in Old Greek Sources 
The legend of Argonauts has been familiar for the Greek literature since the 
Homer‘s time. It was mentioned by writers and poets of all genres – some 
in detail, some generally. It survives in various forms, among which 
details vary, but a main line is unchangeable – Jason‘s trip to Colchis and 
taking away of the Golden Fleece with the help of Medea.  
      Grounding on old Greek sources, I tried to focus my attention on one 
of the characters of the legend – Aeëtes – a legendary king of Colchis. To 
this end I have distinguished the following aspects: 1. Origin of Aeëtes; 2. 
Nature of Aeëtes; 3. The essence of the instructions given to Jason. 
      It is considered that Phrixus is the first Helenians sailor who set foot 
and settled on the land of Colchis. It is confirmed by Strabo in his 
Geography (2, 39).1 It is obvious that Phrixus‘ arriving in Colchis with a 
golden ram and Aeëtes‘ kindly hosting and making related by marriage 
reflects those ancient contacts which existed between the Greek colonists 
and Colchian population – hereinafter formation of a new ethnic group by 
mixing of Helenians sailors with local inhabitants. This fact points to 
peaceful cohabitation that is likely to be between Helenians and Colchians 
on the coast of Colchis in a certain period.2 It is noteworthy, that some 
versions of the legend of Argonauts clearly point to the kinship of 
Argonauts of Thessaly and Aeëtes.  
                                                 
1  The Geography of Strabo with an English translation by H. L. Jones, London: William 
Heineman LTD, NY: G. P. Putnam‘s Sons 1927, 32. 
2  Greek colonization in Colchis should have had another character. It should have been 
emporium – a trade factor that existed within the limits of the Colchian cities. See 
Lordkipanidze O., Ancient World and Ancient Colchis, Tbilisi 1966, 32, 63-64 (in 
Georgian); Mikeladze T., Studies from the History of Colchis and Ancient Inhabitants 
of the South-Eastem Black Sea Region, Tbilisi 1974, 97-98 (in Georgian). 
Iamze Gagua 88 
      If we consider the old Greek data, by origin Aeëtes is from Corinth. 
Medea‘s father Aeëtes and Aloeus are children of Helios. According to 
information of the poet of the 8th c. BC, an author of the poem Corinthiaca, 
Eumelos of Corinth, that has been preserved in Pindar‘s scholiums, ―He-
lios divided the country he ruled and gave Arcadia to Aloeus, and Corinth 
– to Aeëtes. Aeëtes did not like his domain and gave to Bounos – Hermes‘ 
son and obliged him to protect it for his offspring. He himself went to 
Scythian Colchis, settled and became the king.‖3 It is confirmed by: Ly-
kophron of Chalcis, Pausanias, scholiums of Euripides, Stefan of Byzan-
tium, and Eudokia.4 
     Thus, the first traveler from Thessaly is not Phrixus but Aeëtes. Greek 
sources say nothing why Aeëtes has disapproved his kingdom Corinth. If 
we consider that the colonization movements of Helenians took place due 
to lack of soil, the population density or capturing the wealth of the Black 
Sea region countries,5 then it is clear that one of the reasons of abandon-
ment of Corinth by Aeëtes might have been like this. The fact that Aeëtes 
reserved the right either himself or his posterity to return to Corinth, 
points to the close contacts existed between Greeks of Thessaly and the 
peoples who were residing in the east Black Sea Region countries. This is 
confirmed by Phrixus‘ arrival and settlement in Colchis. 
     How is Aeëtes referred in the Greek sources? In Homer's Odyssey (X, 
37) Circe is an own sister of ferocious Aeëtes αὐτοκασιγνήτη ὀλοόφρονος 
Ώἰήταο.6 According to Diodorus Siculus, Aeëtes was brutal - ὡμότητι. The 
reason for this was that he himself was brutal and besides it, under the 
remonstrating of his wife Hecate, he kept the tradition of killing of 
foreigners. In addition, Aeëtes was soothsaid that he would die when 
foreigners arrived in his country and took away the Golden Fleece. So he 
ordered to sacrifice all foreigners in order to widespread rumors about the 
brutality of Colchis inhabitans (Θόλχων ἀγριότητος) everywhere as a 
result of what not a single foreign would not dare to set foot in his 
country‖ (Historical Library, IV, 46, 47).7 Thus, a reason of Aeëtes‘ brutality 
was that he was afraid of coming true of soothsaid and taking away the 
golden fleece by foreigners by what his would die. This fact was suppor-
                                                 
3  Urushadze A., Ancient Colchis in the Legend of Argonauts, Tbilisi 1964, 22, 217 (in 
Georgian). 
4  Ibid., 22, 122, 201, 239, 296, 482. 
5  Mikeladze T., 94-95. 
6   Homer, Odyssey, v. I, Books 1-12, translated by A. T. Murray, Revised by George E. 
Dimock, Loeb Classical Library, Harvard University Press 1919. 
7  Urushadze A., 389, 391. 
Aeëtes in Old Greek Sources 89 
ted by the tradition established by the Goddess Hecate – to sacrifice foreig-
ners to her. It is clear that in old times the trip to Colchis of brave and 
courageous Helenians sailors was linked to great dangers. In addition, 
they had a vague understanding on customs and habits of the Colchis 
inhabitants.8 It is possible that human sacrificing might have existed in 
ancient Colchis. Maybe killing of an infant Apsirtus by Medea (according 
to one version) indicated to this. It is noteworthy, that according to one 
Svan tradition, in order to bring good luck of high yield, at the New Year 
night they used to bring an infant round a hearth and pierce with a 
wooden awl and the more a child cried the more the ritual participants 
enjoyed.9 Possibly, this ritual preserved a reflection of ancient version of 
the myth – killing of an infant Apsirtus by Hecate‘s priest Medea. 
    According to some sources, appearance of Aeëtes emphasizes his 
brutality. He is strong and tall with broad shoulders. Thus he is pictured 
according to Philostratus (IV): ―You see Aeëtes on a four-horse chariot. He 
is gigantic and I think, armed to the teeth with giant‘s weapon, for a large 
size of a weapon inaccessible for an ordinary people, makes us thinks so. 
His face is full of brutality θυμοῦ δὲ τὸ πρόσωπον as if this very moment 
he will send out sparks from his eyes. In his right hand he holds a 
flambeau and threatens to Argo and its sailors to burn.‖10 According to 
Apollonius of Rhodes, Aeëtes is compared with Ares and Poseidon. In 
addition, he is powerful and has booming voice (II, 1205-1206).11 The 
second reason of brutality of the Colchis king is the fact that he is 
surrounded by numerous unkindly disposed to him belligerent tribes to 
whom he fights permanently.12 The king does not allow himself to slacken. 
He is always in battle-readiness. Maybe an epithet of Aeëtes and Minos 
ολοόφρων still does not mean either ‗horrible‘ or ‗brutal‘ but indicates to 
wisdom and means ‗very rational‘.13 It is noteworthy that in order to 
conceive completely Aeëtes, we should not forget that he is the king of the 
country where foreign guests are met respectfully, with hospitality 
generously (Argonautica, III, 270-300), i. e. he is the hospitable king, but he 
became brutal for Argonauts as he does not concede the gold fleece to the 
                                                 
8  Tsereteli A., Greece, I, Tbilisi 1966, 141 (in Georgian). 
9  Surguladze I., Towards the History of Agrarian Traditions and Concepts in Georgia, 
Georgian Ethnographic Materials, XX, Tbilisi 1978, 87. 
10  Urushadze A., 452-453.  
11  Apollonii Rhodii, Argonautica, recognovit brevique adnotatione critica instruxit Her-
mann Fränkel, Oxford, Classical Texts, MCMLXI. 
12  Ibid., III, 1205. 
13  Вейсман А., Греческо-русский словарь, Москва 1991. 
Iamze Gagua 90 
Helenians easily, that is his found. He does not possibility to enfeeble the 
richest and most powerful country of Colchis where brooks of wine, milk, 
fragrant oil and water are coming burbling (Argonautica, II, 220), the 
kingdom that is created by him and strengthening of which was contri-
buted by Phrixus‘ arrival with a golden ram. Certainly, neither Phrixus‘ 
arrival in Colchis and his relating by marriage was accidental. It is a 
reflection of peaceful cohabitation of Greeks and local inhabitants on the 
territory of Colchis; though a colonization process was not always pain-
less. Unquestionably, there were struggles between them, as well.14 It is 
obvious that thanks to Greek colonists, Colchis strengthened econo-
mically; arriving of Phrixus gave a new strength to the kingdom founded 
by Aeëtes. Due to it Argonauts claimed that they had right to demand a 
share from the innumerable wealth that was in Colchis. From this a new 
stage of relation, confrontation between Helenians and Colchians begins. 
A reason of foreign-hating of Aeëtes is the fact that it was claimed 
valuable treasure, Golden Fleece that is not a symbol not only of wealth, 
but according to Apollonius of Rhodes, it is associated with royal power 
and glory. Aeëtes is sure that Helenians sailors want to deprive him of 
royal scepter and honor (III, 372). Aeëtes protects the right, name and 
glory of his kingdom and due to it he is irritated by the claims of 
Argonauts who have come with impudent and treacherous intent (III, 375-
376). Just due to it he is brutal (ἀπηνήϛ) Argonauts know this. They have a 
little chance that the Colchian king will concede without fighting the 
Golden Fleece which they call σφέτερον κτέραϛ. It is paradox but the sons 
of Phrixus secretly from mother, according to father‘s will, are intending a 
trip to Orchomen to bring father‘s wealth in Colchis. Aeëtes does not 
approve this trip but he does not prevent, for he thinks that the fear of 
losing the kingdom Colchis will be realized by the sons of Phrixus (III, 
601-602). And indeed, they help Argonauts to obtain the fleece (II, 1093-
1094). The sons of Phrixus think that if Aeëtes willingly concedes the fleece 
to Argonauts, it will be a gift for them – δώτινηϛ (III, 352). Aeëtes has a 
reason of doubt and distrust in foreigners. Argonauts have long discussed 
if the king does not concede them the fleece, how they can obtain it. They 
are not convinced either of their righteousness or victory. Aeëtes does not 
directly refuse, for they are his grandchildren‘s relatives – Cretheus – an 
offspring of who is Jason and Athamas and father of Phrixus, are brothers 
                                                 
14  Lomouri N., Greek Colonization of Colchian Coastal Region, Tbilisi 1962, 55 (in 
Georgian). 
 
Aeëtes in Old Greek Sources 91 
(III, 340-366). The king lays down the conditions: if they fulfill his tasks, 
only then he will give them the fleece, for he cannot give it a weak one: 
―May not be a brave man concedes something to weak one‖ (III, 437-438). 
Thus he proves his demands: the king is sure that Argonauts won‘t be able 
to fulfill these tasks, they won‘t be able to subdue the fire-thrower bulls 
with cooper hooves, to plough with their help, to defeat the warriors 
arisen from dragon‘s teeth and to make a vigilant dragon fall asleep. Why 
cannot long-danger experienced brave Argonauts fulfill the tasks given by 
Aeëtes? The very simple reason is that they do not know those rules 
without which it is impossible to fulfill the difficult tasks given by Aeëtes. 
The first task is of two parts: to subdue the fire-thrower bulls with cooper 
hooves indisputable implies well-skilling in metallurgy; also straight and 
deep ploughed land15 demands skilling in agricultural activities. The fact 
that these two fields were developed in ancient Colchis state is confirmed 
by archeological data, as well.16 Jason manages to fulfill the tasks with the 
help of Medea. Apollonius of Rhodes directly links Jason‘s fighting against 
fire-thrower bulls to a blacksmith‘s job (III, 1285-1301). A leader of 
Argonauts covers him with a shield and rescues him from the fire of bulls, 
and then he strokes the horns with hands and beats at cooper hooves and 
side strongly with a spear. It is clear that this detail reminds the processing 
of metal softened in a fire. The second task – fighting against the armed 
warriors arisen from dragon‘s teeth, is the most difficult one. It is clear, 
that this episode of the legend reflects defensive fighting of Colchians 
from permanent aggression and attacks of neighbor tribes. Jason had to 
know the nature of these peoples, fighting rules by what Aeëtes managed 
to defense their attacks. By Medea‘s persuasion, Jason throws a large stone 
secretly among warriors, covers himself with a shield and waits until 
enraged warriors attack and kill each other (III, 1365-1375). The detail of 
throwing of stones among warriors by Jason secretly – βάλλων ἀφάειϛ 
λίθουϛ – is mentioned by Apollodorus in Library (I, 9).  
    It should be assumed that throwing of a large rock (stones) secretly 
among warriors symbolically means to make enmity between neighbor 
tribes of Colchians and to use this method during attacking them. As 
                                                 
15  Pindar, Olympian Odes, Pythian Odes, I, translated by William H. Race, Loeb Classical 
Library, Harvard University Press 1997. 
16  ―The basis of the Colchis Kingdom was agriculture and metallurgy. The first was ba-
sed on great agricultural traditions, in particular, on cultivation of endemic and centu-
ries-old approved species of cereal crops and irrigation and drainage system, the se-
cond – also on metallurgic tradition and a rich base of ore-bearing.‖ – Mikeladze T., 
160.  
Iamze Gagua 92 
Aeëtes says, for him it is his daily activity and calls it - the testing of 
courageousness and strength in dangerous affairs (III, 407). Lost-in-
thought Jason addresses Aeëtes: ―You have bound me by law‖ (μάλα τοί 
με δίκῃ περιπολλόν ἐέργειϛ (III, 427)). It is considered that this episode in 
the text is vague.17 I believe that δίκη habit means. Without considering the 
habits and customs existing in Colchis, Jason understands that he can do 
nothing, he will be unable to defeat armed warriors without knowing the 
nature, habits of neigbor tribes of Colchis and rules of fighting against 
them.  
     As regards taking away the fleece from a dragon, Jason manages it 
again with the help of Medea. After making a dragon to fall asleep, it is 
not difficult to remove the fleece from an oak tree. Snatching of the fleece – 
strength of the Colchis kingdom, was possible when, with the help of He-
cate, Aeëtes‘s daughter made a dragon to drowse. It can be symbolically 
explained as weakening of vigilance of Colchians. Aeëtes took all precauti-
ons: if Jason would be able to subdue the bulls and to plough, he would be 
unable to rescue himself from armed warriors and if a miracle happened 
and he might have survived, he would not be able to escape from an eye-
unclosed dragon. Just due to it Aeëtes was ὀλοόφρων,  brutal or if the term 
is understood otherwise, he was very wise. If Aeëtes‘ feature could have 
been only brutality he would have immediately killed the golden-fleece-
wisher Helenians sailors as he intended firstly and would not have offered 
hospitality. Tradition of hospitality was still strong for the king that 
appeared to be fatal for him. The most important was the weakening of vi-
gilance of Colchians which Argonauts could manage with the help of Me-
dea. A dragon was a guard of Colchian sacredness, i. e. a security gua-
rantee of the county. Only Medea, who was unsuspected for Aeëtes, can 
neutralize it. A major mistake of Aeëtes was the fact that he was not 
looking for danger there where it was necessary to. 
     Thus, according to ancient Greek sources Aeëtes is represented as a 
symbol of power of the Colchis kingdom: proud, haughty, and powerful. 
He is hospitable and at the same time brutal. It should be emphasized that 
these two features are not mutually exclusive. He can distinguish an 
enemy from a friend. He meets any guest with respectfully, but he is 
pitiless towards foreigners who come with bad intent. 
 
                                                 
17  Fränkel H., Noten zu den Argonautika des Apollonio, München MCMLXVIII, 352-
353.  


Aeëtes in Old Greek Sources

Chotalishvili, Lela

Phasis 15-16, 2012-2013 
 
Lela Chotalishvili (Tbilisi) 
Formation of the Greek Writing Systems 
in Ancient Greece in the Context 
of European Identity  
Ancient Greece represents one of the most significant regions in terms of 
forms of writing and the scale of their application. Existence of diverse 
writing systems is confirmed in Aegeida, which follow each other 
chronologically, but it is not also excluded that they used to function 
simultaneously in a certain period of time. At the same time, it is possible 
that an earlier system may represent a prototype for another. Pictographic 
script [and hieroglyphic script developed from it later] is the earliest 
among the writing systems confirmed in the Aegean Sea basin. There is a 
controversy about the origin of the Cretan hieroglyphic system in scientific 
literature until now. Possibly, the Minoan system must have been origina-
ted without a genetic connection with foreign scripts; however, its minor 
formal resemblance with the Egyptian hieroglyphs is not excluded. H. 
Haarmann considers the Cretan and the old European, namely Paleo-Bal-
kan pictographic parallels as convincing.1 In the period of old palaces it 
was impossible for the ruler to remember all resources and control them; it 
became necessary to account them which appeared to have facilitated the 
origination of script. Therefore, the Cretan hieroglyphic system must have 
been created within the Minoan culture and its active usage is assumed in 
around the first phase of palaces (1900-1700 BC).  
We think that the Cretan script became distant from the old Oriental 
systems from the beginning. Even the superficial study evidences that the 
                                                 
1  Haarmann H., Hieroglyphen und Linearschriften: Anmerkungen zu alteuropäischen 
Schriftkonvergenzen, Kadmos, 28, 1989, 1-6. 
Formation of the Greek Writing Systems in Ancient Greece... 47 
part of clay plates performed with the Cretan hieroglyphic script contains 
tables of numerical symbols which graphically coincide with the system of 
numerical symbols of linear scripts. This fact allows one part of scientists 
to assume that in this case we have to deal with the comprehensive 
accounting system, which by its structure demonstrates resemblance with 
the same kind of records of the Cretan linear script.2 The possibility that 
the Cretan hieroglyphs may be read as the symbols of linear script is not 
excluded as well. For example, according to DNP,3 hieroglyphic script 
contains about 100 syllables and 30 logograms.  
As it appears, the economic progress has influenced the further deve-
lopment of the Cretan script and the cursive ―A‖ linear script was formed 
in about the I Middle Minoan period (1700-1600),4 which occupies one of 
the significant places among the undeciphered scripts discovered in the 
Aegean Sea basin. H. Haarmann reviews the ―A‖ linear script in the con-
text of European scripts. In his opinion, a number of parallelisms between 
the Paleo-Balkan and the old Cretan writing systems are particularly 
noticeable, which is expressed not only by typological resemblances but 
also by the graphical identity of the inventory of symbols. According to 
the researcher‘s assumption, this fact represents a significant precondition 
for finding the basis of origination of the Cretan script. T. Gamkrelidze 
and V. Ivanov also do not exclude a certain connection between the old 
Balkan and Aegean scripts. In their opinion, after decline of the old Balkan 
culture [which was spread in the 4th millennium BC], its continuation is 
observed in the southern part of the Balkans and the Aegean Sea basin 
[mainly on the Island of Crete and the Cyclades]. 
The ―A‖ linear script must have ceased functioning as soon as the 
Minoan culture declined, giving way to the Mycenaean ―B‖ linear script 
(1500-1450 BC). There are certain parallels between ―A‖ linear and ―B‖ 
linear: the script structure is almost similar, and about 80 symbols of their 
symbol repertoire (―A‖ linear – 199, ―B‖ linear – 89) graphically coincide 
with each other. Majority of ideograms in the Mycenaean script have their 
corresponding symbols in ―A‖ linear script. The numerical systems also 
coincide, however, there are differences as well: many syllables, ideo-
grams and ligatures which play a significant role in ―A‖ linear script, are 
not confirmed in ―B‖ linear script. The number of symbols is relatively 
                                                 
2  Brice W. C., Notes on the Cretan Hieroglyphic Script, Kadmos, 29, 1990, 1-10, 3. 
3  Der Neue Pauly – Enzyklopädie der Antike, Bd. I-, Sttutgart; Weimar: Metzler 1996-. 
4  However, it is noteworthy that the plates found is Phaistos date back to the I Middle 
Minoan Period (1900-1700). 
Lela Chotalishvili 48 
small in ―B‖ linear script, unlike ―A‖ linear script [about 90 symbols], 
which may be associated with development of script [application of 
economy principle]. We also do not have the system of decimals and on 
the contrary, there are a number of syllables, ideograms and ligatures in 
―B‖ linear script with no matches in then Minoan script. The same can be 
said about the system of weights which is absolutely new in ―B‖ linear 
script. Unlike ―A‖ linear script, ideograms are often used in the economic 
accounting records of ―B‖ linear script; however, in the texts which have 
reached us, they never perform the function of the member of sentence 
and are mainly found with numerical nouns. In some cases, the word is 
first written using syllabic symbols and then it is followed by a separate 
pictorial symbol denominating the same word. In ―B‖ linear texts, 
ideograms differ from other symbols by their large size but it should be 
noted that such manner of writing does not relate only to ideograms: as it 
seems, the Mycenaean ―writer‖ tried to convey the necessary and signifi-
cant information by graphically different symbols and focus attention on 
them by this method (see KND1 946, KND1 463, KNB 988+5761+7040+ 
7601+III-36). Perhaps, this factor and not devaluation of the writing 
system and activation of elements of pictographic script predetermined 
the increase of function of ideograms in ―B‖ linear script. 
Various variants of ―B‖ linear symbols which often belong to the same 
writer are also noteworthy, but these variants do not strongly differ from 
each other, even when they are distant from each other in time and place. 
The variants of symbols presented on the examples of ―A‖ linear script 
discovered in the same place and belonging to the same period of time are 
so different that it is difficult to realize them as one symbol.  
As it appears, as a result of contact with the pre-Greek population of 
the Island of Crete, the Mycenaean Greeks created their own writing 
system, better accommodated to the Greek language which must have 
been largely influenced by the syllabic ―A‖ linear script existing the 
Minoan era. Presumably, ―B‖ linear script was created at a definite place, 
for a definite purpose, for a definite purpose and with stylized symbols of 
a definite form, which did not undergo essential changes despite the 
variety of time and place.  
Creation of ―B‖ linear script should be considered as a step forward in 
the evolution of syllabic systems, as the Mycenaean script chose a more 
democratic way unlike cuneiform scripts: nearly no logograms are found 
in ―B‖ linear script, the number of syllabograms is much fewer as well. 
This is a purely syllabic script with small number of symbols. In addition, 
it is noteworthy that ―B‖ linear documents (4806) are performed with 
Formation of the Greek Writing Systems in Ancient Greece... 49 
different ―scripts‖. According to T. Palaima, 75-100 scripts are observed in 
Knossos, 40 – in Pilos, 12 – in Mycenae, 4 – in Thebes (out of 43 plates).5 It 
was found out that often one ―writer‖ had to make only several 
documents. Besides, next to professions mentioned in ―B‖ linear texts we 
do not find a term which denominates a ―writer‖. Therefore, it is assumed 
that there was not a hierarchically segmented class of professional writers 
in Mycenae, unlike the Khetian royal palace and the plates were made by 
officials of various ranks which did not learn to read and write only for 
this purpose. 
The examples of linear script were discovered on the Island of Cyprus 
in the late 19th century. As it was found out later, the given system must 
have had a close connection with the Cretan ―A‖ linear script which is 
confirmed by identity of structures of these two scripts. Archaeological 
excavations have demonstrated that the Cretan system must be older than 
the Cyprian one. Therefore, on assumption of A. Evans, the script 
confirmed on Cyprus represents a branch of Cretan script, the result of its 
development, so the researcher offered the name ―Cyprian-Minoan‖ for 
the Cyprian script.6 
Depending on the manner of writing, forms of symbols, inventory and 
chronology of inscriptions the researchers differentiate between three 
versions of the Cyprian-Minoan system: CM 1, CM 2, CM 3. As it appears, 
the local population of Cyprus created their own script CM1 under the 
influence of the Cretan scripts of the Bronze era [A linear, pictographic] as 
early as in the 17th century BC and later CM 2 and CM 3 were possibly 
developed based on it.  
On assumption of researchers, the Cyprian syllabic script used on the 
Island of Cyprus simultaneously with the Greek alphabet and the 
Phoenician script in the 1st millennium BC must have been originated from 
the CM 1 type of script. The Greek alphabet finally superseded both the 
Cyprian dialect and the syllabary from the 4th century BC. Unlike the Cyp-
rian-Minoan script of the 2nd millennium BC, which has failed to be deci-
phered yet, the Cyprian syllabary was deciphered by means of Phoe-
nician-Cyprian bilingual in 1871-1876. The Cyprian system represents a 
syllabic script relating to ―B‖ linear script, whose symbols for vowels and 
                                                 
5  Palaima T. G., Comments on Mycenaean Literacy, Studies in Mycenaean and Classical 
Greek Presented to John Chadwick, ed. by Killen J. T., Melena J. L., Olivier J.-P., 
Salamanca, 1987, 499-510; Der Neue Pauly, Bd. 7, 248. 
6  SM I – Evans A. J., Scripta Minoa I, The Written Documents of Minoan Crete I: The 
Hieroglyphic and Primitive Linear Classes, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1909, 69. 
Lela Chotalishvili 50 
open syllables correspond to ―B‖ linear symbols not only by graphic 
outline, but also by phonological value.  
The final significant stage in the evolution of writing systems of the 
ancient Greece in the 1st millennium BC [about the 7th century] is the crea-
tion of the Greek alphabet whose Semitic origin does not require special 
evidences. The Greek tradition already refers to the Greek script as ―Σοινι-
κήια γράμματα‖ or ―σημεῖα‖, which clearly suggests where to search for 
the origins of this system. However, if we review the alphabet as the 
system of symbols conveying separate sounds of speech, then we should 
admit that the first alphabet was created by Greeks. The Semitic script had 
a row of symbols conveying so-called ―weak consonants‖. The Greeks 
used the achievements of Phoenicians, took the forms of symbols of the 
Western Semitic consonant script, created symbols for vowels based on 
the ―weak consonants‖ in their opinion and connected them to conso-
nants, as a result of which we obtained the first alphabetic system of 
script. Therefore, the greatest achievement of Greeks is not the invention 
of the new method of denomination of vowels, but the systematic app-
lication of the method ―matres lectionis‖ which were used by the old sys-
tems on an irregular basis.  
It may be said, that the script underwent nearly all stages of evolution 
in ancient Greece, from the Cretan hieroglyphs to the Greek phonetic 
script which chose a democratic way of development. Introduction of 
vowels in the Greek script transformed it into an accurate and universal 
system which serves communication of humans better than other writing 
systems existing earlier. The phonetic script was spread throughout Euro-
pe by means of the Latin system created on the basis of the Greek alphabet 
and despite the colossal achievements of the Western civilizations in many 
areas of human activities it has not undergone evolution since the Greek 
period. The alphabet became a sign of European identity, one of the main 
factors of its formation and an integral part of the Western thinking.  
 


Formation of the Greek Writing Systems in Ancient Greece in the Context of European Identity

Berikashvili, Svetlana

Περί του ζητήματος της ταυτότητας στο μυθιστόρημα του Δημήτρη Χατζή "Διπλό Βιβλίο"

Η ιδιαιτερότητα της γλώσσας του Νίκου Καζαντζάκη

Shamugia, Nikoloz

The Thessalian Centauromachy and Common Greek Identity in Homer

Metallinos, Georgios

Οι ορθόδοξοι χριστιανοί στη σύγχρονη πραγματικότητα

Kekis, Vasilis

Η διαχρονική παρουσία του Βυζαντίου στην Ευρώπη και στην Ανατολία

Gordeziani, Rismag

Phasis 15-16, 2012-2013 
 
Rismag Gordeziani (Tbilisi) 
Towards the Understanding of European Identity 
in Classical Athens and the Modern World  
Despite the wide application of the notion ‗European identity‘ in modern 
political studies, its definition admittedly remains vague (1). The main 
reason obviously is the lack of agreement over what is to be considered as 
the basic coordinating factor of this supranational unity. While the inten-
sive process of European unity formation has been underway since the 
1980s thanks to the vigorous efforts of European political leaders and the 
supportive institutional, political and economic frameworks, the sociolo-
gical survey reveals that the number of citizens placing their European 
identity before national is rather insignificant and is gradually decreasing 
not only among the forty-seven states of the Council of Europe, but even 
among the twenty seven members of the European Union (2). 
      Now that the whole world including Europe is gripped by critical 
events, and disintegration is gaining more and more power in parallel 
with the processes of integration, it becomes especially important to define 
the essence of identity in general and specifically, of European identity. 
Admittedly, the present focus on such formal criteria of European identity 
as geographical location, religion, cultural and political traditions, loyalty 
to humanist and democratic values has proved rather unconvincing. In 
this regard, the maxim by the modern French journalist, philosopher and 
writer, Bernard-Henri Levi sounds quite attractive from the outset of 21th 
century: Europe is not a place but an idea. If we adhere to this formulation, 
we should identify the basic coordinating factor of European identity as a 
certain set of value that will adequately reflect the reality. 
     In this respect, it is worthwhile to consider how the question was for-
mulated in Ancient Greece, which gave birth not only to the idea of Euro-
pe, but also to the opposition Europe/Asia, and which, naturally, could 
Rismag Gordeziani 106 
not have known how the idea of Europe would develop in the following 
millennia. 
     As known, Europe as a geographical notion is not yet mentioned in the 
Homeric epics. However, Homer refers to the daughter of Phoinix (14, 
321) without mentioning her name, who bore Minos and Rhadamanthus. 
Consequently, the arrival of mythical Europa to her eponymous continent 
started from Crete, while her sons were the first European rulers. 
     The name came to designate a geographical notion as early as the 
Archaic period to denote first middle Greece and later the Thracian-
Macedonian east. It is not easy to say whether the geographical name was 
derived from the mythic name or vice versa – whether the name of a mai-
den kidnapped by Zeus is the consequence of the etymological expansion 
of the place-name. 
     If we share the opinion of M. P. Nilsson, a woman on a bull from a 
Mycenaean seal must be associated with the myth about Europa (3). This 
prompts some researchers to suppose that the term Europa, as a place-
name as well as a mythic name, must have been established already in the 
pre-Greek world. As concerns its etymology, according to the proposed 
Greek and Semitic hypothesis, the term must be related either to Greek 
εὐρύϛ ―expansive, broad‖ and ὂψ, ὀπόϛ ―face, eye‖, or to a Semitic root ereb 
meaning ―sunset, evening, west‖. However, these hypotheses are rejected 
by the authors of etymological dictionaries Frisk and Chantraine, who find 
its etymology either unidentified or of the pre-Greek origin (4). The author 
of one of the latest hypothesis is the renowned linguist, E. J. Furnée, who 
finds that pre-Greek languages are of the Kartvelian origin. He does not 
exclude either that the term in question could be of Kartvelian etymology: 
Kartvelian rcoba, containing the Georgian-Zan *wrc root and also 
Georgian-Zan suffixes –ob and –a for verbal nouns, clearly correspond to 
the meaning of the place-name proposed by Frisk. According to him, the 
term must refer to the contrast the boundless continental reach could 
create against the confines of isles and peninsulas (e. g. Peloponnesus) 
washed by the sea all around. Therefore, the extensive reaches of the land 
were designated by the name Europa to refer to continental Greece at first 
and afterwards, along with the Greek colonization, to the whole continent 
(5). In the classical period it was already viewed as a member of the 
Europe/Asia opposition to designate a continent about whose eastern 
boundaries they did not have a clear idea (6). The core representatives of 
the opposition members were considered Persia in the East and Greece in 
the West. As early as the first half of the 5th century BC, in his reasoning 
over the roots and causes of the Greek-Persian opposition, Herodotus 
Towards the Understanding of European Identity... 107 
refers to Persian historians who believed that the cause of all was, first, the 
abduction of Io by the Phoenicians, then the abduction of Europa, 
afterwards of Medea by the Hellenes and lastly, of Helen by the Trojans. 
―So far it was a matter of mere seizure on both sides. But after this (the 
Persians say), the Greeks were very much to blame; for they invaded Asia 
before the Persians attacked Europe‖ (I, 1-4). Thus, the father of history 
considers Greece as the principal representative of Europe. The tendency 
of identifying Europe with Hellas and Asia with Persia can also be found 
in fiction. I will cite only one example – a fragment from a 5th century BC 
non-surviving epic poem Persica reads: ―Lead me to another tale, how from 
the land of Asia/a great war came to Europe‖ (Bernabe, fr. 1). 
     Thus Greece, which after the great colonization in the classical period 
established a firm hold in many Mediterranean and Black Sea regions 
thanks to its apoikias/colonies, i. e. the most effective disseminators of the 
Hellenic code, it developed an ambition to be the creator of European 
mentality that would become paradigmatic for others. This, first of all, was 
manifested in political pluralism and the diversity of political systems 
developed in many different poleises. The society faced the permanent 
necessity to choose between autocracy, oligarchy, democracy or any other 
hybrid form of governance. The classical period gave birth to an idea that 
neither political system is perfect and fully acceptable. However, here is 
how Plato, the greatest philosopher of the period and the critic of Athe-
nian democracy, gives an account of his teacher‘s, Socrates‘ death. Accor-
ding to Plato, Socrates, wrongfully sentenced to death, nevertheless rejects 
the opportunity to flee from the punishment, thereby demonstrating his 
respect to the laws and the state judgment, which, despite his outright 
criticism, he credited as the best among those available (7). Socrates‘ beha-
vior conveyed the following message: though democratic Athens deserves 
criticism, its laws, i. e. its political system is advanced over others. The 
most solid argument in favour of this standpoint was that the system 
enabled Hellas, the symbol of Europe in the ancient world, to conquer 
unparalleled heights in artistic culture and analytical thought, the two 
areas where human artistic potential is demonstrated most powerfully. 
The Hellenic environment became the most favorable milieu to foster the 
concept of democracy as a system of values, so logically and eloquently 
formulated in Pericles‘ well-known oration cited by Thucydides (II, 37). In 
Pericles‘ words we could single out 21 signs or key concepts that cover the 
whole essence of democracy. While it is impossible to discuss them in de-
tail within this article (8), I will try to highlight how they respond to three 
cardinal questions: 
Rismag Gordeziani 108 
a. What should a society, relying on democracy be like? According to Peri-
cles, it should be 1. respectful of the laws it adopts and intolerant towards 
any threats of violating these laws; 2. strictly observant of unwritten, that 
is moral laws and openly critical of law-breakers; 3. emancipated and 
morally prepared to adhere to state interests when making a choice; 4. 
intrepid and prepared for self-defense when necessary; 5. indifferent to a 
person‘s material status and giving privilege to his/her integrity and 
experience; 6. advocate of sound reason and freedom of speech. 
b. What should a person be like? According to Pericles, he/she should 1. 
enjoy equal rights with other citizens; 2. enjoy personal freedom; 3. be in-
volved in state affairs; 4. be a professional and thus obtain personal free-
dom; 5. have his/her own opinion and be able to declare it public; 6. be 
educated and rich in spirit; 7. observe laws; 8. invest wealth into public 
benefit and welfare.  
c. What should a state be like? According to Pericles, it should 1. act as the 
guardian of democracy; 2. be open to foreigners to share advancements 
and cultivate knowledge; 3. be capable of synchronizing public and per-
sonal interests; 4. acquire friends not through receiving but through giving 
alms; 5. be the guaranty of transparency; 6. be responsible for making the 
citizens‘ free time meaningful; 7. refrain from unjustified militarization. 
This model, which was more or less successfully employed in Pericles‘ 
contemporary Athens and in fact fostered the principles of Athenian iden-
tity (9), could serve as the foundation for the concept of European identity 
in building the so-called European Home even in our times thanks to its 
universal character, lack of any religious, ethnic and geographical 
constraints and contribution to critical-analytical reasoning. However, this 
model is far more difficult to implement than any other because it requires 
readiness on the part of society, person and state. Being well aware of this, 
the authorities of the Athenian democracy were determined not to intro-
duce the system in societies that were not duly prepared. Besides, ancient 
experience made obvious the following: during the implementation of the 
democratic model of governance, the negligence or inappropriate 
realization of even one of its aspects is sufficient to generate anomalies, 
which may often prove fatal. In this case, the democratic system, as 
evidenced by the Hellenic history, may become so unacceptable to the so-
ciety that it may be driven towards ochlocracy, i. e. political chaos or 
tyranny, authoritarianism or autocracy. The discrepancy between the de-
clared and realized forms may result in what Thucydides describes as the 
government of people in word, which in fact is the government of a single 
individual. 
Towards the Understanding of European Identity... 109 
     Despite the diversity of political systems of Greek polises, at the outset 
of the Asia/Europe opposition, Hellas, which can be reckoned as the prin-
cipal representative of the idea of Europe in the ancient world, opted for 
the citizens‘ broad involvement in the political life and for the consi-
deration of public opinion in state management as its founding principle. 
     Contrary to this, the main representative of Asia, the Persian Empire, 
chose a diametrically different principle based on the autocratic leader‘s 
unlimited power, minimal public involvement in the political life and the 
absence of public opinion, which, consequently, was impossible to consider. 
As I have tried to show in my earlier publications on the Europe/Asia 
opposition (10), this difference is determine not by individual preferences 
or by the historical trend, but by the difference between the mental 
substrate (weltanschauung substrate; intellectual and cultural substrate) 
underlying the Persian civilization on the one hand and the Greek ci-
vilization on the other. The dominant weltanschauung principle followed 
by the former is based on mythological values, which are a priori reco-
gnized as the truth and allow for minimal changes. Contrary to this, the 
dominant weltanschauung principle chosen by the latter is based on 
values fostered by critical reasoning and thus open to regular upgrade. 
     Consequently, the numerous attempts ever since Alexander the Great 
and the Roman Empire, aimed at the cancellation of the Europe/Asia or 
West/East opposition, have hardly proved successful so far. The reason 
should be sought in the weltanschauung substrate, which is so deep and 
powerful that has proved to be much more difficult to overcome by the 
weltanschauung adstrate than has been thought by our contemporary 
political authorities. 
     When we discuss the issues of European identity at the start of the 21st 
century, we can‘t help noticing that the concept has substantially altered 
even in the last 20 or 30 years. Since WWII, the world, and Europe in 
particular, has frequently witnessed events that invite corrections to the 
idea of European identity, or I would say, the phenomenon of Europeism. 
It suffices to look through the six basic aspects of the so-called European 
Political Thought set forth by the philosophers Jurgen Habermas and 
Jacque Derrida in 2003 – secularization, state‘s confidence and skepticism 
towards market success, realistic expectations of technical progress, wel-
fare, low tolerance to the application of force, multilateralism within the 
UN (11) – which were expanded to 14 by the political scientist John 
McCormick in 2010 (12), to clearly understand how closely the principles 
of European identity have approached the Periclean democracy identity 
principles in many ways. The difference lies in the fact that the Periclean 
Rismag Gordeziani 110 
scope was limited to such microstructures as ancient Greek polises or city 
state, while modern theories cover dozens of European states. However, 
the Periclean concept is far more clearly formulated and presents the 
political weltanschauung of democratic state more comprehensively. 
NOTES: 
› (1) Cf. Muenkler H., Europa als politische Idee/Reich-Nation-Europa. Modelle 
politischer Ordnung, Weinheim Beltz 1996; Вайнштейн Г., Европейская иден-
тичность возникающая реальность или фантом?  
www.politcom.ru/8315 html 2009. 
› (2) For statistical data, see Вайнштейн Г., op., cit. 
› (3) Nilsson M. P., Geschichte der Griechischen Religion, Bd. I, C. H. Beek‘sche 
Verlagsbuchhandlung 1955, 356, Anm. 1. 
› (4) Frisk H., Griechisches etymologisches Woerterbuch, 1-3, Heidelberg 1954-
1974, 593; Chantraine P., Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque, 1-4, 
Paris 1968-1980, 388. 
› (5) Furnée E. J., Paleokartwelisch-pelasgische Einfluesse in den indoger-
manischen Sprachen, Leiden 1986, 47. 
› (6) For more details, see RE and DNP. 
› (7) Socrates‗ arguments are cited in detail in Plato‘s Crito. 
› (8) For more details, see Gordeziani R., For Ancient and Modern Understanding 
of Democracy (Mneme), dedicated to the memory of Aleksandre Aleksidze, 
Tbilisi 2000, 101 ff. (in Georgian). 
› (9) Gordesiani R., Die Gegenueberstellung Europa/Asien vom Altertum bis zur 
Gegenwart, Tbilisi 1997. 
› (10) For Athenian identity, see Lape S., Race and Citizen Identity in the 
Classical Athenian Democracy, New York 2010. 
› (11) Habermas J., Derrida J., Nach dem Krieg. Die Wiedergeburt Europas, 
Frankfurter Allgemeine, 31.05.2003. 
› (12) McCormick J., Europeanism, Oxford University Press 2010.   
 
 


Towards the Understanding of European Identity in Classical Athens and the Modern World

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