434 research outputs found
Sort by
The Institutional Context of the 2004 General Elections in Malawi
Get PDFThis report summarises the findings of a joint research project undertaken by the Centre for Social Research, Chr. Michelsen Institute and the Universities of Malawi and Bergen. Ensuring that elected political leaders play by the rules of the political game and act in accordance with their mandates without violating citizens’ rights is a challenge for new democracies in sub-Saharan Africa.
Electoral processes essentially begin long before elections actually take place.
The analysis of electoral processes, therefore, requires a long time horizon.
Central political institutions of accountability are analysed to determine the extent to which they have managed to stem executive dominance when put to the test of the parliamentary and presidential elections held on 20 May 2004.
Attention is drawn to four key institutions of democratic governance: (a) those responsible for electoral administration; (b) the party system; (c) parliament; and (d) the judiciary. The electoral cycle – comprising the entire time period from one election to the next – is analysed in six phases: (i) registration of voters and compilation of voters’ roll; (ii) nomination of candidates; (iii) civic and voter education; (iv) the electoral campaign; (v) the polling exercise, including counting of ballots and announcement of results; (vi) conversion of electoral mandate into political positions. The 2004 general elections were judged to be ‘free but not fair’ due to inadequacies in the administration of the electoral process. Civil society organisations as well as domestic and international election observers have emphasised the need to restructure the Malawi Electoral Commission to improve its performance and ensure the legitimacy of the election results
Uganda's 2006 Presidental and Parliamentary Elections
Get PDFThis report analyses the 2006 Ugandan presidential and parliamentary election in terms of the broader process starting with the processes of setting the rule for political contestation, through the registration of voters and parties, the nomination of parties and candidates, the campaign, the voting, counting and tallying and finally, the handling of election complaints. The report examines four central institutions charged with ensuring an impartial and fair electoral process: the institutions comprising the electoral channel, the party system, parliament, and the judiciary. These four institutions are interdependent but also partly autonomous from each other. Understanding how they operate and interact is necessary in order to grasp the degree of democratic institutionalisation.
The quality and impartiality of the electoral administration are key to whether an election is seen as a legitimate process for delegation of authority from citizens to representatives. In new democracies the organisation of the electoral process is often characterised by ambiguous rules and problems associated with enforcement of the rules. The political party has become a most significant actor in electoral processes and democratic governance. Parties also serve to link citizens with parliament, which represents the citizens in setting the rules of the electoral game, influencing policy decisions and acting as an institutional check on executive power. The judiciary is the ultimate interpreter of the constitutional and legal rules. The report shows how problems and irregularities at various stages of the election cycle tilted the playing field in favour of the incumbent and compromised the integrity of the 2006 elections
Is it wrong to rank? A critical assessment of corruption indices
Get PDFThis paper emphasizes the importance of collecting information on corruption, while still stressing critical aspects of the most applied sources of such information, the cross-country composite corruption indices. Are these indices damaging and misleading or are they informative and useful? The paper points to the implication of the lack of a clear distinction between legal and illegal payments or ways of gaining influence. It summarizes the main limitations of
Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), underscores the problem of expecting perceptions to be reliable, and discusses the problem of incorrect understanding and usage of the index. Publicity does not necessarily mean progress, and the construction of the CPI should be influenced by the way this index is applied by the public. A final question is whether it is possible to increase the CPI’s value by creating incentives for states to improve their achievements under, for instance, the OECD anti-bribery convention
Socio-Economic Effects of Gold Mining in Mali. A Study of the Sadiola and Morila Mining Operations
Get PDFIn the last decade Mali has experienced a gold boom. Today Mali is Africa’s third largest producer of gold and has one of the world’s most gold-dependent economies.
This study looks at how the advent of gold mining has affected Mali’s economy and society, and examines the local impacts of two of the country’s main gold mines,
Sadiola and Morila. It finds that in recent years gold exports have contributed more than half of Mali’s export revenue. Still, this income represents less than what the country receives in development aid or in remittances from Malians abroad. From the two mines of Sadiola and Morila, out of the revenue that does not accrue to the mining companies the Government of Mali receives around 90 percent, the workers some nine percent and local communities less than one percent. To the population of nearby villages the mines have provided jobs, income and better education services, but their establishment has also led to land expropriation, environmental degradation and social tensions. The companies that run the two mines have supported a number of development projects locally, but their management and selection of the projects have stirred controversy. The study also finds that gold mining only to a limited extent has spurred entrepreneurship or a diversification of the local economy
In Pursuit of Poverty Reduction: What have Parliaments got to do with it?
Get PDFLaunched only 6 years ago, the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) has become a key reference document to a majority of developing countries. More than 70 developing countries have embarked on a PRSP process. In spite of limited substantiation of success, the PRSP approach has continued to evolve. The PRSP not only constitutes a point of departure for developing countries’ dialogue with their developing partners, but also claims to be a national steering document for poverty reduction. When the PRSP was designed, three key groups formed the inner circle: donors, civil society and domestic governments. But what about the highest elected public institutions, namely parliaments – why did they not form part of the inner circle? This report explores why parliaments have come to be marginalised in the PRSP processes. However, more recently the neglect of parliaments has been recognized, but why was the request for parliamentary involvement all of a sudden brought to the fore? Existing sources indicate that parliamentary involvement is increasing somewhat but has remained extremely limited. If it is correct that the role of parliament is still marginal, how can this be explained? In order to answer that question in more detail, we undertake a case study of Tanzania. Delving deeper into one single case sheds further light on the mechanisms at work in the PRSP process. A main argument of this report is that parliamentary neglect is linked to the dominance of the executive in policy processes. Another key argument is that the disregard of parliament is strongly related to characteristics inherent in the very PRSP process itself
Is Bonded Labor Voluntary? Evidence from the Liberation of the Kamaiyas in the Far-Western Region of Nepal
Get PDFThe UN estimates that 20 million are held in bonded labor. Several economic analyses assert that bonded laborers accept these contracts voluntarily, which could imply that a ban would make such laborers worse off. We question the voluntary nature of bonded labor, discuss different theories and new evidence on the issue, and propose a new mechanism whereby landlords keep workers trapped.
With different types of landlords not revealed to the laborer, we show how some landlords manipulate loan terms so that the laborer becomes bonded if future
labor is rendered as collateral. Enforcement mechanisms and the monopolistic market for credit thus play a joint role. Providing alternative sources of credit, offering proper conflict resolution institutions for settling labor-contract disputes and banning the practice of bonded labor could emancipate bonded laborers, which would make them better off
The Aid Agencies and the Fragile States Agenda
Get PDFIn recent years, a consensus appears to have emerged that a variety of problems can be understood in terms of state failure. This paper reviews one aspect of this trend, the concept of fragile states that has recently been adopted by development agencies. The term is used by donors to refer to states that are failing to adopt policies and institutions believed necessary for development. According to donors, not only does such failure affect development outcomes, fragile states are also associated with violent conflicts and related security threats. The paper argues the fragile state concept must be critically reconsidered on both accounts. First, whether the concept can be said to capture the dynamics and policies associated with so-called developmental states is doubtful. Second, equating a states ability to promote development with its capacity to prevent and reduce violent conflict, while a drawing upon a common conflation within the so-called securitydevelopment nexus, is not supported by historical evidence
Human Resources for Health in Tanzania: Challenges, Policy Options and Knowledge Gaps
Get PDFThe number of health workers in Tanzania has declined sharply over the last decade. The present number of health personnel in Tanzania is low both by international standards and relative to national staffing norms, and an even greater shortage of health workers is expected in the future. Due to geographical imbalance in the distribution of health workers, the shortage is most strongly felt in rural areas. The shortage is amplified by low productivity and sub-standard performance in some parts of the health workforce.
Although the human resource situation of the Tanzanian health sector seems to be recognised as a crisis by the political leadership, the fundamental reasons for the crisis have yet to be addressed. Among the challenges ahead are the need to place the human resource issue higher on the agenda in national policy processes and documents, the need to address financial constraints, the need for further evidence on which policies are most effective in addressing the various aspects of the problem, and the need to strengthen the Human Resource Department of the Ministry of Health.
An important challenge for health policy makers in Tanzania is to design a human resource strategy that appropriately reflects and responds to the current crisis. This report presents a framework that may form the basis for such a strategy process. It also presents existing evidence of relevance for the choice among available strategic options.
The report also identifies knowledge gaps that need to be addressed in order to improve the evidence base for human resource strategies in the health sector. Knowledge gaps are large when it comes to the effect of alternative policy interventions, and intervention based studies are called for in order to fill these gaps
Regional Dimensions of Norwegian Country Programmes in East Africa
Get PDFThis study is an assessment of existing Norwegian aid country programmes in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda and how they relate to East African regional ambitions, supplemented by information on other donors’ direct support for the East African Community. A number of regional linkages and potentials are revealed. Four sectors or sub-sectors are identified for actions: energy; tertiary education; private sector development; and legal sector reform. Where joint assistance strategies have been formulated or are contemplated, regional dimensions should be raised and addressed. With regard to ongoing regional programmes, Norwegian assistance should continue and adjusted if need be, such as support for the Lake Victoria Basin Commission, and the Mount Elgon Regional Ecosystem Conservation Programme. Direct support to the East African
Legislative Assembly should be continued and given a sharper focus. As a vehicle for donor basket funding and co-ordination the Partnership Fund should be given full support
China in Africa. Implications for Norwegian Foreign and Development Policies
Get PDFChina’s development will affect the history of the twenty-first century, and perhaps nowhere more importantly than in Africa. The emergence of China introduces new opportunities for Africa, new challenges and new imponderables as well. Observers are watching China’s Africa policy with a mixture of fascination and fright. The new Chinese
Africa policy has major implications for development on the continent. The purpose of this report commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and NORAD is to present and review the new Chinese engagement in Africa and to identify and discuss implications for Norwegian foreign and development policies.
Chapter 1 provides an introduction to Chinese foreign policy, the motives and interests behind the policy goals, and how Chinese foreign policy is manifesting itself in relation to the developing world and in the multilateral arena. Chapter 2 offers an overview of Chinese engagement in Africa while Chapter 3 gives an assessment of the implications for Africa, the dynamics of China-Africa interaction and the challenges ahead. Chapter 4 provides a more detailed presentation and analysis of the Chinese engagement in the petroleum sector in Africa and its implications. The concluding Chapter outlines
Norwegian objectives and provides a number of recommendations for Norwegian Africa policy, bilateral co-operation with China, and multilateral engagement.
The study argues that although Norway may be a small country with very limited capacities to influence Chinese policies, it can still make a small difference. Through the Norwegian development policy in Africa and through the Norwegian engagement in the petroleum and energy sectors, Norway possesses skills, resources and influence which potentially can help make a small, but important contribution in strengthening Africa’s capacity to
benefit from China’s engagement