Stirling Online Research Repository (RIOXX)

Stirling Online Research Repository (RIOXX)
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    The importance of face shape masculinity for perceptions of male dominance depends on study design

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    Dominance perceptions play an important role in social interactions. Although many researchers have proposed that shape masculinity is an important facial cue for dominance perceptions, evidence for this claim has come almost exclusively from studies that assessed perceptions of experimentally manipulated faces using forced- choice paradigms. Consequently, we investigated the role of masculine shape characteristics in perceptions of men’s facial dominance (1) when shape- manipulated stimuli were presented in a forced-choice paradigm and (2) when unmanipulated face images were rated for dominance and shape masculinity was measured from face images. Although we observed large effects of masculinity on dominance perceptions when we used the forced-choice method (Cohen’s ds = 2.51and 3.28), the effect of masculinity on dominance perceptions was considerably smaller when unmanipulated face images were rated and shape masculinity measured from face images (Cohen’s ds = 0.44 and 0.62). This pattern was observed when faces were rated separately for physical dominance, social dominance, and masculinity, and was seen for two different sets of stimuli. Collectively, these results suggest that shape masculinity may not be a particularly important cue for dominance perceptions when faces vary simultaneously on multiple dimensions, as is the case during everyday social interactions

    Contesting Feminist Power Europe: Is Feminist Foreign Policy Possible for the EU?

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    Since 2014, several European Union (EU) member states have adopted their own versions “Feminist Foreign Policy” (FFP). Increasingly, feminist bureaucrats, politicians, activists, and scholars are calling for the EU to do the same. This article critically scrutinises claims to the feminist actorsness of the EU by introducing the analytical concept of Feminist Power Europe (FPE). In employing FPE as a lens, it examines whether the EU can adopt a FFP and that upholds transformative potential of feminism. Undertaking a critical content analysis of key documents, we identify three overarching feminist frames that emerge in the EU’s external relations policies: 1. Liberal; 2. Intersectional; 3. Postcolonial. We demonstrate that the EU’s propensity for a transformative feminist foreign policy is limited by the setup of global politics and the main drivers of European integration, which continue to be situated in a traditionally masculine environment and are defined by prevailing hierarchies of colonialism and racism. In undertaking this work, we highlight the constraints of advocating for the EU to adopt a FFP. The paper concludes by cautioning against the uncritical deployment of ‘feminism’ in foreign policy articulation within an FPE configuration that excludes reflexivity about the EU’s external relations vision and indeed, its practice

    Preference Conditions for Invertible Demand Functions

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    It is frequently assumed in several domains of economics that demand functions are invertible in prices. At the primitive level of preferences, however, the corresponding characterization has remained elusive. We identify necessary and sufficient conditions on a utility-maximizing consumer's preferences for her demand function to be continuous and invertible: strict convexity, strict mono-tonicity and differentiability in the sense of Rubinstein (2006). We further show that Rubinstein differ-entiability is equivalent to the indifference sets being smooth, which is weaker than Debreu's (1972) notion of preference smoothness. We finally discuss implications of our analysis for demand functions that satisfy the "strict law of demand". * We are grateful to Hugo Sonnenschein, Phil Reny and the anonymous referees for very useful comments. Any errors are our own

    The Rue D'Isly, Algiers 26 March 1962: The Contested Memorialization of a Massacre

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    This article examines the memorial discourses surrounding the massacre that occurred on 26 March 1962 when, in the week following the Franco-FLN ceasefire, French soldiers opened fire on a demonstration of unarmed European settler civilians, killing 46 and wounding 150. Largely unknown amongst wider French society, references to the massacre have become a staple of the pied-noir activist discourse of victimhood, often advanced as evidence that they had no choice but to leave Algeria in 1962. The article draws on French and Algerian press articles, as well as online, print, and film publications produced by the repatriated European population. It reveals how settlers' narratives first dehistoricized the massacre and then invested it with a significance that drew on multidirectional memories borrowed from a range of sometimes jarring international contexts. The analysis accounts for why the massacre contributed to the repatriated settler community's sense of identity and relationship to the wider French nation. On Monday 26 March 1962, almost a week after the Evian Accords had put an official end to the Algerian War of Independence, soldiers of the French army opened fire on unarmed civilians from the European population demonstrating on the rue d'Isly in the center of Algiers. Twelve minutes of gunfire left forty-six people dead, and two hundred wounded. Remembered and commemorated by the European settler community, the majority of whom were repatriated to France later that year, the massacre has been otherwise largely forgotten

    Publishing Contract

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    Entry about the Publishing Agreement for the Encyclopaedia of Intellectual Property Law edited by rini Stamatoudi, Marco Ricolfi, Peter Yu, and Paul Torremans for Edward Elgar, to be published in 2025

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