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    Weight-related Bullying in Schools: A Review of School Anti-bullying Policies, 2024

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    Weight is the most common reason for being bullied at school - far more common than other targets for bullying such as ethnicity, religion or sexual orientation. Most schools have anti-bullying policies with best practice suggesting policies should explicitly identify forms of unacceptable behaviour. We conducted an audit of secondary schools in southwest England to determine if/how they mention weight-related bullying in their policies. We obtained lists of all secondary mainstream state, private, and specialist schools in seven local authorities and downloaded anti-bullying policies from their websites. Policies were searched for key words related to weight and size. We also recorded whether policies mentioned appearance or other key targets for bullying, such as race, religion, sexuality etc. We obtained school level data including size, gender mix, academic performance and quality ratings.Context: Obesity is common, affecting 16% of adults and 6% of children in Europe, but it is also highly stigmatized. People are discriminated against because of their weight in medical, education, and workplace settings, with serious consequences. People who experience weight stigma have worse mental health and quality of life. People with obesity avoid seeking healthcare due to fear of negative, stigmatizing interactions with medical professionals. Ironically, weight stigma may also contribute to obesity, by affecting eating patterns and acting as barrier to physical activity. When weight stigma is 'internalized', people come to believe that negative obesity-related stereotypes apply to themselves - for example, thinking of themselves as lazy, incompetent, or less valuable than others. This 'internalized' weight stigma is linked to disordered eating not only for people with obesity, but also for normal-weight and underweight people. This means that weight stigma is relevant to mental health across the bodyweight range. There is widespread concern that public health initiatives aiming to reduce obesity may contribute to weight stigma, making them less effective, and causing harm. For example, sending 'weight report cards' to parents of UK schoolchildren does not reduce obesity, but does make heavier children skip breakfast and feel tired and unhappy at school. With the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, the focus on weight control during national lockdowns may have made this situation worse, contributing to a huge increase in referrals to eating disorder services. Weight stigma is becoming recognised as a public health problem in its own right, but we do not know how to reduce weight stigma or protect people from its effects. This is because weight stigma research has been almost entirely based on small samples which are not representative of the whole population. Research has also focused on the United States, so we know very little about weight stigma in the UK or Europe. We do not know how a person's ethnicity or gender might change their experience of stigma around their weight, or what makes some young people more likely than others to 'internalize' weight stigma. Finally, previous research which did use larger, more representative samples may have been biased because of the methods used. Aims: This project aims to transform current understanding of the extent of everyday weight stigma, who is most affected by it, and how it becomes internalized, using large, general population European surveys. Objective 1: Explore how risk of discrimination and harassment varies with combinations of different ethnicities, genders, and body sizes. Objective 2: Investigate the extent of weight stigma in the workplace, and if this is changing with time, using methods to avoid bias which may have affected earlier research. Objective 3. Identify risk factors which make young people more likely to internalize weight stigma (apply negative obesity-related stereotypes to themselves). Potential applications and benefits: Objective 1 will help identify groups of adults at especially high risk of discrimination and harassment for multiple reasons and help us better understand how discrimination plays out in the UK. Objective 2 will clarify the need to tackle weight stigma in the workplace, for instance via employee training programmes - and if this need may increase in the future. Objective 3 will help identify which groups of young people are most at risk of negative psychological effects of weight stigma, and factors which could be used to protect them. It will help us better understand the relationships between weight stigma and mental health, including eating disorders and depression, and how attitudes about weight are passed down through families. Findings can be used by organizations and policymakers aiming to mitigate the effects of weight, ethnic, and gender discrimination, reduce bullying in the workplace, and improve mental health.</p

    Rehabilitating Probation: Experiences and Impacts of Unification among Managers and Practitioners in a Probation Service Region, 2022-2024

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    Rehabilitating Probation: Rebuilding culture, identity and legitimacy in a reformed public service was a three-year (2022-2025) ESRC funded research project that examined the implementation, experiences and consequences of a significant and unprecedented programme of public service reform that brought formerly outsourced probation services back into the public sector. Probation services across England and Wales were reunified following a period of large-scale privatisation under Transforming Rehabilitation reforms implemented in 2014, which had led to the establishment of a publicly operated National Probation Service (NPS) and a number of private Community Rehabilitation Companies (CRCs). In June 2021 the public and private arms of probation were brought back together under a newly constituted public Probation Service. The Rehabilitating Probation research project captured the experiences and consequences of reform at local, regional and national levels and from a variety of perspectives, including: probation staff; senior managers; policy makers; service users; and external stakeholders. The research explored the impact of reform on the roles, identities and cultures of probation workers and narrated how a newly reconfigured probation service sought to (re-)build legitimacy with its external partners.Rehabilitating Probation: Rebuilding culture, identity and legitimacy in a reformed public service was a three-year (2022-2025) ESRC funded research project that examined the implementation, experiences and consequences of a significant and unprecedented programme of public service reform that brought formerly outsourced probation services back into the public sector. As a key component of the criminal justice system, the Probation Service is responsible for protecting the public, managing risk, and supporting the rehabilitation of offenders. It supervises approximately 240,000 individuals serving community-based sentences or released on licence following imprisonment. Probation services across England and Wales were reunified following a period of large-scale privatisation under Transforming Rehabilitation reforms implemented in 2014, which had led to the establishment of a publicly operated National Probation Service (NPS) and a number of private Community Rehabilitation Companies (CRCs). In June 2021 the public and private arms of probation were brought back together under a newly constituted public Probation Service. The second major programme of structural reform in probation services in a decade had far-reaching implications — not only for how probation work is delivered, but also for understanding how public services respond when outsourcing policies fail. It provided a unique opportunity to explore how individual and organisational identities are reconstructed following significant organisational change, and how institutions work to (re)build the confidence of their staff, as well as that of key partners and stakeholders such as the courts and police. The Rehabilitating Probation research project captured the experiences and consequences of reform at local, regional and national levels and from a variety of perspectives, including: probation staff; senior managers; policy makers; service users; and external stakeholders. The research explored the impact of reform on the roles, identities and cultures of probation workers and narrated how a newly reconfigured probation service sought to (re-)build legitimacy with its external partners. The research project comprised five interconnected work packages (WPs), each offering a distinct perspective on the structural reform of probation services. In WP1, the team conducted 191 interviews with probation staff and managers within a single case study region, capturing detailed, longitudinal insights into how individuals experienced the reform over time. WP2 extended this lens nationally, with 38 interviews conducted across three annual sweeps with Regional Probation Directors from all 12 Probation Service regions, enabling a broader understanding of the reform process and validating the case study’s representativeness. WP3 focused on external perceptions, involving 70 interviews with national and local criminal justice partners and stakeholders — such as Police and Crime Commissioners, members of the Judiciary, HM Courts and Tribunal Service, Police leaders and officers and Prison Governors — to explore how the unified service positioned itself and was perceived by key collaborators. WP4 examined the policy dimension, with 40 interviews conducted in three sweeps with senior policy officials to trace the evolving thinking and implementation strategies at the national level. Finally, WP5 adopted a participatory approach, using co-designed exercises and workshops led by peer researchers to bring together individuals with diverse experiences of probation. These sessions explored foundational questions about the purpose and future direction of probation, grounding the research in lived experience and collaborative inquiry.</p

    Understanding People's Experiences of Taking Part in Dry January, 2022

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    Dry January is a temporary abstinence campaign during which people are encouraged to abstain from drinking alcohol for the month of January and use this time to reflect on their relationship with alcohol. The ‘official’ Dry January campaign in the UK has been run by Alcohol Change UK since 2013. Previous observational studies have found that participation in Dry January is associated with a reduction in alcohol consumption six months later (de Visser et al., 2016; de Visser & Piper, 2020). However, in order to abstain from alcohol consumption during Dry January and make ongoing changes to their drinking people are often required to negotiate challenges to their non-drinking. This study aimed to develop our understanding of people’s experiences of using strategies to try and avoid drinking alcohol during and following Dry January. We aimed to build on previous research and explore how, why and in what context different strategies were used and their perceived impact on peoples drinking and other social practices

    Centre for Business Research, Cambridge: Leximetric Datasets - Labour, Company and Insolvency, 1970-2025

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    The Cambridge Leximetric Datasets are the product of work carried out at the Centre for Business Research (CBR) in Cambridge, beginning in 2005 when the Centre received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council to carry out a research project on law, development and finance. Further funding from the ESRC, the European Union's FP5 and FP6 programmes, the Isaac Newton Trust, the Cambridge Political Economy Society, the International Labour Organization and the NORFACE consortium made it possible to expand the original datasets to their current state. The most recent iteration of the datasets was supported by the ESRC via its grant to the ESRC Research Centre on Digital Futures at Work, and by the NORFACE consortium grant to the POPBACK project (Populist Backlash, Democratic Backsliding, and the Future of the Rule of Law in Europe). As of December 2023, there are three principal datasets, coding, respectively, for labour laws in 117 countries between 1970 and 2022 (the CBR Labour Regulation Index: CBR-LRI), shareholder protection in 30 countries between 1990 and 2013 (the CBR Extended Shareholder Protection Index: CBR-SPI), and creditor protection in 30 countries between 1990 and 2013 (the CBR Extended Creditor Protection Index: CBR-CPI). In addition, as of April 2025, there is a dataset coding developments in the regulation of platform work in 95 countries between 2016 and 2025 (the CBR Platform Work Index: CBR-PWI). The coding of legal data is carried out using a leximetric coding methodology developed in the CBR and more fully explained in the codebooks which accompany each of the datasets. Taken together, the datasets provide a unique time series which enables researchers and other research users to track changes in labour, company and insolvency law over long periods of time for many countries. A distinguishing feature of these datasets is that all legal sources for the data coding are fully described in the relevant codebooks, thereby assisting transparency, external validity and replicability of results.The ESRC Digital Futures at Work Research Centre is an essential resource for those wanting to understand how new digital technologies are profoundly reshaping the world of work. Digitalisation is a topical feature of contemporary debate. For evangelists, technology offers new opportunities for those seeking work and increased flexibility and autonomy for those in work. More pessimistic visions, in contrast, see a future where jobs are either destroyed by robots or degraded through increasingly precarious contracts and computerised monitoring. While such positive and pessimistic scenarios abound of an increasingly fragmented, digitalised and flexible transformation of work across the globe, theoretical understanding of contemporary developments remains underdeveloped and systematic empirical analyses are lacking. Drawing resources from different academic fields of study, the Centre provides an empirically innovative and international broad body of knowledge that will offer authoritative insights into the impact of digitalisation on the future of work. The Centre is jointly led by the Universities of Sussex and Leeds, supported by leading experts from Aberdeen, Cambridge, Manchester and Monash Universities.</p

    Centre for Climate Change and Social Transformations: Cardiff Travel Survey, Wave 5, 2025

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    The Cardiff Travel Survey is a longitudinal survey that aims to (a) establish current and previous (before the coronavirus outbreak) travel habits; (b) explore how travel-related attitudes, social norms and perceptions change over time; and (c) examine the interplay between individual (perceptual) and environmental (infrastructural) factors in travel mode choice, in particular in relation to the uptake of active travel such as walking and cycling in the City of Cardiff, Wales. The Cardiff Travel Survey 2025 (Wave 5) is an opportunity sample that was collected in 2025 (n=470) by the Centre for Climate Change and Social Transformations (CAST), and is the fifth of a longitudinal series of surveys to be held annually for the duration of the centre. Data for the Cardiff Travel Survey 2025 were collected between 29 April 2024 and 29 June 2025. Participants of the 2023 and 2024 Cardiff Travel Survey who consented (n=1,324) were recontacted via email to invite them to take part in the 2025 survey, of which n=90 were undeliverable. The survey was not further advertised, and no other recruitment methods were used. The survey was hosted on the Qualtrics online survey platform and was available in both English and Welsh. Inclusion criteria were that participants had to be at least 18 years of age and live in or travel regularly to Cardiff. The English version of the survey was completed by 500 respondents and the Welsh version by 10 respondents. Incomplete responses (n=29), defined as those without any answers beyond socio-demographic, were also removed from the dataset. A further 11 respondents did not complete the first section on current travel behaviours and were also removed. This left a final sample of n=470 adults. Participants were asked to create a unique code that can be used to match this survey to previous and future surveys without revealing their identity. Main topic areas of the questionnaire were: Demographics, Travel behaviours, Physical activity, Physical health and mental wellbeing, Perceptions of infrastructure and environmental quality, Travel-related social identity, Attitudes to active travel, Active travel-related social norms, Support for active travel policies, and Unique ID."The Centre for Climate Change Transformations (C3T) will be a global hub for understanding the profound changes required to address climate change. At its core, is a fundamental question of enormous social significance: how can we as a society live differently - and better - in ways that meet the urgent need for rapid and far-reaching emission reductions? While there is now strong international momentum on action to tackle climate change, it is clear that critical targets (such as keeping global temperature rise to well within 2 degrees Celsius relative to pre-industrial levels) will be missed without fundamental transformations across all parts of society. C3T's aim is to advance society's understanding of how to transform lifestyles, organisations and social structures in order to achieve a low-carbon future, which is genuinely sustainable over the long-term. Our Centre will focus on people as agents of transformation in four challenging areas of everyday life that impact directly on climate change but have proven stubbornly resistant to change: consumption of goods and physical products, food and diet, travel, and heating/cooling. We will work across multiple scales (individual, community, organisational, national and global) to identify and experiment with various routes to achieving lasting change in these challenging areas. In particular, we will test how far focussing on 'co-benefits' will accelerate the pace of change. Co-benefits are outcomes of value to individuals and society, over and above the benefits from reducing greenhouse gas emissions. These may include improved health and wellbeing, reduced waste, better air quality, greater social equality, security, and affordability, as well as increased ability to adapt and respond to future climate change. For example, low-carbon travel choices (such as cycling and car sharing) may bring health, social and financial benefits that are important for motivating behaviour and policy change. Likewise, aligning environmental and social with economic objectives is vital for behaviour and organisational change within businesses. Our Research Themes recognise that transformative change requires: inspiring yet workable visions of the future (Theme 1); learning lessons from past and current societal shifts (Theme 2); experimenting with different models of social change (Theme 3); together with deep and sustained engagement with communities, business and governments, and a research culture that reflects our aims and promotes action (Theme 4). Our Centre integrates academic knowledge from disciplines across the social and physical sciences with practical insights to generate widespread impact. Our team includes world-leading researchers with expertise in climate change behaviour, choices and governance. We will use a range of theories and research methods to fill key gaps in our understanding of transformation at different spatial and social scales, and show how to target interventions to impactful actions, groups and moments in time.</p

    British Ritual Innovation Under Covid-19, 2020-2021

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    This report outlines the context, methods,data, and findings of the Arts and Humanities Research Council funded project British Ritual Innovation under Covid-19 [BRIC-19]. The project ran from August 2020 to September 2021, with the aim of documenting and analysing changes to British communal religious life during the Covid-19 pandemic and associated lockdowns, and of providing best practice recommendations for religious communities adapting their practice to address similar crisis situations in the future. Particular effort has been made to include data that reflects, to the extent possible, the geographic and religious diversity of Britain, by focussing on questions of religious practice rather than on theological questions or issues of belief which are specific to faith traditions.Religious rituals do work, essential social work, according to both ritual theorists and the UK government, which has recognized clergy as key workers during the COVID-19 pandemic. Funerals, weddings, birth rituals, and holiday observances are vital to people's psychological wellbeing and sense of community, especially given the sense of unease created by the pandemic. But the key means by which clergy do this vital work-live communal ritual-is not possible during lockdown conditions. And so ritual specialists have been forced to improvise means of moving rituals online, something which is virtually unknown to most mainstream clergy. Because these improvised innovations are being done quickly by busy practicing clergy with little co-ordination between them, they are not being collected or studied in a systematic or detailed way. The full implications of these innovations are thus not being adequately considered or developed in ways that could be beneficial for the wellbeing of Britons of all faiths long after the pandemic is over. This project will fill that gap. It will work with religious professionals of a range of faiths from across Britain to capture, analyse, nurture and develop these fire-forged innovations and the possibilities they facilitate, using digitally-led methods drawn from digital religion, online religion and performance studies, including involving subjects in action research. These findings will be shared broadly and accessibly for the benefit of the field. They will also contribute academically to ongoing discussions of the changing practices of religion and ritual in the era of digital culture.</p

    English Housing Survey: Fuel Poverty Dataset, 2023

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    Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.The&nbsp;English Housing Survey&nbsp;(EHS) Fuel Poverty Datasets are comprised of fuel poverty variables derived from the EHS, and a number of EHS variables commonly used in fuel poverty reporting. The&nbsp;EHS is a continuous national survey commissioned by the Ministry of Housing, Community and Local Government (MHCLG) that collects information about people's housing circumstances and the condition and energy efficiency of housing in England.&nbsp;Safeguarded and Special Licence Versions&nbsp;Similar to the main EHS, two versions of the Fuel Poverty dataset are available from 2014 onwards. The Special Licence version contains additional, more detailed, variables, and is therefore subject to more restrictive access conditions. Users should check the Safeguarded Licence (previously known as End User Licence (EUL)) version first to see whether it meets their needs, before making an application for the Special Licence version.&nbsp;The&nbsp;English Housing Survey: Fuel Poverty Dataset, 2023&nbsp;is the outcome of analysis conducted to produce estimates of fuel poverty in England in 2023 undertaken by the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero (DESNZ).Fuel poverty in England is measured using the Low Income Low Energy Efficiency (LILEE) indicator, which considers a household to be fuel poor if:it is living in a property with an energy efficiency rating of band D, E, F or G as determined by the most up-to-date Fuel Poverty Energy Efficiency Rating (FPEER) Methodology; andits disposable income (income after housing costs (AHC) and energy costs) would be below the poverty line. The poverty line (income poverty) is defined as an equivalised disposable income of less than 60 per cent of the national median in Section 2 of the ONS publication 'Persistent poverty in the UK and EU: 2017'.The Low Income Low Energy Efficiency model is a dual indicator, which allows us to measure not only the extent of the problem (how many fuel poor households there are), but also the depth of the problem (how badly affected each fuel poor household is). The depth of fuel poverty is calculated using the fuel poverty gap. This is the reduction in fuel costs needed for a household to not be in fuel poverty. This is either the change in required fuel costs associated with increasing the energy efficiency of a fuel poor household to a Fuel Poverty Energy Efficiency Rating (FPEER) of band C or reducing the costs sufficiently to meet the income threshold.The fuel poverty dataset is derived from the&nbsp;English Housing Survey,&nbsp;2023&nbsp;database created by the MHCLG. This database is constructed from fieldwork carried out between April 2022 and March 2024. The midpoint of this period is April 2023, which can be considered as the reference date for this dataset.Main Topics:A brief summary of each of the variables included in the&nbsp;English Housing Survey: Fuel Poverty Dataset, 2023&nbsp;dataset is included in the study documentation. The variables can be grouped into the following categories:Low Income Low Energy Efficiency fuel poverty indicator variablesincome and fuel costs variables10 per cent affordability indicator variablesadditional fuel poverty variablesEnglish Housing Survey variablespolicy eligibility flagsweights</ul

    Carbon Artefacts: A Socio-Material Approach to Low and Net Zero Carbon Building Design From Concept To Handover, 2022-2025

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    This study investigates how organisational structures and professional boundaries shape the delivery of low- and net-zero-carbon outcomes in UK commercial building projects. Motivated by the persistent “performance gap” between design intent and in-use carbon performance, the research aims to understand how carbon reduction solutions are specified, translated, and altered as they move across project phases, firms, and disciplines. The data includes transcripts from semi-structured interviews with key project team members.Delivery of net-zero carbon buildings is a critical and urgent component of UK legal obligation to achieve net zero carbon emissions by 2050 (BEIS, 2019a). The construction sector represents 10% of UK carbon emissions and directly influences 47% of all national emissions (NFB, 2019). While there has been significant technical progress, the UK building stock remains one of the most energy inefficient in Europe and the Government is not on-track to meeting its decarbonisation goals (BEIS, 2019). Most research into this 'performance gap' focuses on either technical problems and solutions (De Wilde, 2014) or on the promise of new integrator roles (Parag and Janda, 2014), with little discussion of the professional and organisational issues that challenge the delivery of net zero carbon buildings. The current organisational structure of projects has direct implications for the delivery of low and net-zero-carbon buildings. Construction projects are temporary organisations, involving multiple disciplines, multiple firms and multiple phases - each with its own teams and extensive sub-contracting (Winch, 1998). Organisational boundaries shape who participates in the specification of design problems and solutions and their transmission across project teams and phases. They also establish who is accountable for particular targets and who is not. When faced with a new task, professionals often sub-contract work out to a team of specialists with no awareness or responsibility for the design as a whole. The result is that solutions developed at one moment in time are not fully understood, as they are passed from one phase to another and carbon targets often fall off the agenda. The proposed research explores these effects by examining the initial development and ongoing modification of carbon reduction design solutions in six cases of new and retrofit commercial buildings. Commercial buildings tend to be bespoke, making the formulation and communication of solutions across organisational boundaries all the more critical. The research will be developed in dialogue with industry partners involved in these six cases. Special attention will be paid to the way in which design solutions are embedded in visual representations and physical artifacts, which are subsequently re-interpreted and modified. Findings resulting from this novel approach promise to contribute targeted guidance for the development of net-zero carbon buildings, the organisational and professional capability development of firms, professional training and educational curriculum. Together researchers and upwards of 30 industry partners, involved in six projects, will explore the effect of organisational boundaries on the delivery of low and net zero carbon buildings, revise firm-level protocols and develop capacity. In addition, the project will contribute to policy and professional guidance for net-zero carbon building, to teaching case studies for use in HE and CPD training and to a climate change and de-carbonisation educational management framework for built environment curricula, currently under development by the Climate Curriculum Project. By focusing on teams of sustainable minded professionals with a history of working together and professed commitments to carbon reduction, the research also provides an opportunity to capture, further develop and diffuse good practice.</p

    Cyber Security Investment Business Cases and Empirical Evaluation, 2022-2025

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    This dataset comprises business cases and empirical evaluations of cyber security investment tool ROCSI within UK private sector organisations. The dataset was collected using semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders and supplemented with structured cost and risk assessment data. The data capture both quantitative inputs, including cost breakdowns, asset valuations, and risk metrics as well as qualitative insights from participants, such as perceptions of risk, decision-making rationale, and practical challenges in cyber security investment. The dataset is designed to support research and analysis in the following areas: Financial evaluation of cyber security investments, including direct and indirect costs. Empirical assessment of risk quantification models (e.g., ROCSI). Organisational decision-making processes, highlighting how technical cyber risks are translated into business impacts. Qualitative analysis of stakeholder perceptions, including usability, clarity, and perceived value of risk assessment tools. Files include interview transcripts, coding frameworks, structured Excel datasets, and the interview guide.To be of business value, any investment must be selective and focus on high priority areas of the business. However, boards find it difficult to justify the cost of investment and formulate ROI arguments on cyber security due to their inability to fully understand and anticipate the direct and indirect impact of cyber threats. The fundamental problem is the absence of transparent ways of integrating cyber threats into the boards' decisions about investment in cyber security. In an investment decision, organisations are required to determine business impact if the threats were to manifest, calculate the direct cost (e.g. cyber threat mitigations, cyber insurance charges) and indirect cost (e.g. impact on system performance, share price drop) to optimise the organisation's security defence capability. The key decision makers are security managers (e.g. CISO) and board members. However, they find it difficult to estimate the costs of investing and balancing these against potential benefits procured or impacts mitigated as the cyber security investments prevent potential losses but may not generate revenue directly. There is a lack of a clear way of linking cyber threat mitigations to the cyber security ROI. This is compounded by the uncertainties resulting from the changing threat landscape and business context (e.g. adding devices to the system or changing of threat mitigation decisions). The proposed ROCSI is designed to address these challenges by comprehensively capturing threat data from multiple threat sources and integrating it into the cyber security investment decision processes. The ROCSI aims to deliver threat-informed, user-tailored and up-to-date decision support which is continuously updated as new threat data becomes available. The ROCSI will output the ROI analysis on threat mitigations in response to the business processes ranked by decision makers. This project will deliver the foundations for a novel approach to cyber security decision making at the board and strategic level through combining multidisciplinary data and human factors to improve the transparency and quality of decision making. It will contribute to the national strategy on cyber security through the research of threat-informed decision making at the board and strategic level, with the aim of enhancing organisations' cyber defence capability and improve organisational resilience. It addresses the theme &quot;Incentives and behaviours&quot; of the NCSC Research Problem Book, through incentivising boards and organisations to proactively invest into cyber security and adopt positive security behaviours. The proposed research sits in the Global Uncertainties theme, where Cyber Security is listed as a priority. This project is in a unique position to deliver impact in both research communities and industries based on the PI's previous engagement with NCSC, RITICS, RISCS, Innovate UK, and the PI's established contacts who will help shape, evaluate and refine the proposed research. this project uniquely benefits from the host organisation's strong track record in human decision making (the LUCID research lab) and behaviour science (the ESRC funded NIBS) research, its partnership with NCSC, GCHQ, and Dstl and the Horizon DER Institute that enables the widest dissemination and exploitation of research outcomes.</p

    Brace for Turbulence: EU Member States’ Climate Strategies in the Aviation Sector, 2018-2020

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    The data is made available with the associated publication. We analysed the EU National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs) in order to examine national commitments on aviation. The data show how frequently EU Member States refer to aviation in their NECPs, and we code these references thematically. First, by conducting a content analysis on all 54 draft and final NECPs, we count the keywords associated with aviation. Second, we inductively and iteratively developed themes and sub-themes for each sentence in the final NECPs that contained an aviation reference (n = 494).The science behind climate change has been established, and now the mitigation of climate change has become a political puzzle. We need to act quickly to mitigate the worst impacts of climate change, and so this project is designed to find and then share effective policy solutions that can be used across society. Until very recently, attempted solutions for climate change were 'top down': for example, the United Nations organised annual conferences, and those countries responsible for producing the most greenhouse gases dominated these negotiations. However, this approach for dealing with climate change has failed to generate effective change quickly enough, and academics are looking for new governance solutions for this most pressing and significant of issues. Increasingly, scholars argue that we need to be improving policy-making the local level, and empowering a wide range of people take a lead in responding to climate change. In particular, they argue we need 'polycentric governance'. Polycentric governance involves businesses, NGOs and government agencies working independently of each other, while also overlapping and coordinating with one another, as part of complex, multi-level networks. The outcome should be that no individual group or organisation is solely responsible for mitigating climate change, and so every 'node' in the network is encouraged to fulfil its part without fearing being exploited by others.</p

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