157 research outputs found
Effects of food and temperature on larval metamorphosis in Indian Rice Frog, Rana limnocharis, a case study of the first and second crops of rice in Taipei area
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Democratization and Financial Reform in Taiwan: The Political Economy of Bad-Loan Creation
No full textThis study shows that many bad loans now burdening Taiwan's financial institutions are interrelated with the society's democratization which started in the late 1980s. Democratization made the local factions and business groups more independent from the Kuomintang government. They acquired more political influence than under the authoritarian regime. These changes induced them to manage their owned financial institutions more arbitrarily and to intervene more frequently in the state-affiliated financial institutions. Moreover they interfered in financial reform and compelled the government to allow many more new banks than it had originally planned. As a result the financial system became more competitive and the qualities of loans deteriorated. Some local factions and business groups exacerbated the situation by establishing banks in order to funnel funds to themselves, sometimes illegally. Thus many bad loans were created as the side effect of democratization.Taiwan, Politics, Economy, Democratization, Finance
[[alternative]]The Study of ROC'S Crisis Management -An Example of 1999"Special State-to-State Relationship" Controversy
No full text[[abstract]]Thesis Summary
Wars never stop in human history. Looking back those severe international wars, and studying how they begin, we found that wars mostly caused by dealing peace improperly. The phrase "dealing peace improperly" means that governments are unable to handle the interference and crises, then cause wars. Therefore, scholars develop "conflict research" and "Crisis studied" to prevent interference and crises becoming wars. After Cuba crises, western country spend lots of recourse to study teh theory, methods adn rules of crisis managing for protect from nuclear war caused by uncontrolled situation.
Over viewing previous Taiwan Strait crises, those crises not only affected development of the Republic of china, but also entangled tlhe interests of the United State and teh stability and peace of the Asia-Pacific. Therefore, the crises basically belong to the type of "International conflict". They are also three-sided crises among ROC, PRC, and the US.Lee Teng-hui, the former president of ROC, proposed the special state-to state relationship in 1999. Under the "one-China" argument between teh two sides across the Taiwan Strait, it is obvious that political difference, diplomatic competition, and military confrontation still remain. Increasing economic and cultural contacts do not necessarily lead to peace. In contrast, they may cause more conflicts of interests. Therefore, by coping with international trends, considering natinal development and future security threats, we have to well handle cross-strait economic and security issues. Establishing the crisis-managin mechanism to deal with cross-strait relationship is an emergent subject.
Taiwan’s democratic progressive party and its mainland china policy
No full textTaiwan has successfully changed its political system from dictatorship into a democracy since the end of 1980s. Some people do not like 'Taiwan's democracy' -some candidates get elected by bribery in election, parliamentary fighting., but the majority of the Taiwanese people really enjoy their freedom in their homeland. They do know, at least, they have the right to oppose the government, no one would be shot by the national military force in a demonstration. The political systems are totally different between Taiwan and Mainland China, one is democracy, another is communism. Even the majority of the Taiwanese people are Chinese in ethnic origin, but their life experience are different over the past 50 years, it is difficult for any side to persuade the other side which one is better. Some Chinese Taiwanese people believe that they can have a better life, if their homeland—Taiwan can be really independent in the international community. Taiwan’s political opposition built Taiwan's first opposition party— Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) 13 years ago, and with the dream of establishing a new independent country on Taiwan. The establishment of the DPP is the result of the political opposition movement in Taiwan. Most of the members of the DPP have a strong Taiwanese identity, which is very different from the ruling KMT in Taiwan and the ruling CCP in China. The DPP gains more influence in Taiwan, the uncertainty across the Taiwan Straits increase at the same time. The DPP waited and saw between being the ruling party and establishing an independent country on Taiwan, finally it chose to complete the political aim of replacing the position of the KMT at present. The purpose of the study is to assess the DPP's policy-making in its Mainland China policy. I try to give a full picture of the policy-making process in the party. The most important factor in the formulation of the mainland China policy is the relationship between the factions within the DPP, therefore, I adopt the historical and document review approach on doing this study, and describe how the interaction between the factions worked and how they made the decisions on the policies? I found that the DPP will insist on its 'one Taiwan, one China' policy before becoming the ruling party in Taiwan. However, the DPP's insistence on the 'one China, one Taiwan' policy could bring conflicts across the Taiwan Straits and obstruct the possibility of replacing the ruling KMT's position. Hence the DPP tried to explain again the party's Taiwan independence platform, and to 'purify' the party’s ideology in order to achieve its present political aim. Because the cross-Straits relationship is still developing, the DPP's mainland policy would be affected by various factors across the Taiwan Straits. There is no final text of the DPP's mainland China policy at present. Therefore, I predict the future development of its China policy could tend in two ways. Firstly, if the cross-Straits exchanges increase, and Beijing reduces its hostility, the DPP's stand of 'one Taiwan, one China' will become more flexible, and it would keep on developing a more perfect China policy. Secondly, if the cross-Straits exchanges decrease, and Beijing increases the force of threatening to Taipei, the DPP's stand of 'one Taiwan, one China' policy will be more radical, even though it would not turn its back on the business affairs. At the end of this work, I suggest the DPP rethink its insistence on a Taiwanese independence position, this could not break Taiwan's isolation in international community, but could endanger Taiwan's security. As the factional fight has reduced the force of the DPP, to condense the powers of the party would be an important issue for the DPP
The strategic symbiosis between us Asian policy and Taiwanese nationalism
No full textThis thesis explores the influence of us Asian policy on the evolution of Taiwanese nationalism and the role of Taiwanese nationalism in America's Asian policy. The study consists of five parts. The first part (1895-1950) introduces the source of Taiwanese nationalism and America's strategic scheme on Taiwan before 1945, and explores American options after the germination of Taiwanese nationalism. America's intention to separate Taiwan from the mainland so as to deny the island to Chinese Communists late 1948 helped preserve inchoate Taiwanese nationalism. The second part (1950-1970) examines how America simultaneously exploited the Chinese Nationalist regime's anti-communism and facilitated the growth of Taiwanese nationalism in the bipolarized Cold-War era. The Truman administration's separatist intention after the Korean War, US aid and American scholars' Taiwan independence theories had significant implications for the evolution of Taiwanese nationalism. The third part (1970-1989) examines how America reconciled US-PRC rapprochement with its promotion of Taiwanese nationalism. Taiwan's democratisation evolved in the context of US political, economic and military intervention. During the transition to democratisation, secessionists turned political opposition movement into nation-building revolution. The fourth part (1989-2000) examines how US conservatives and Taiwanese nationalists jointly promoted Taiwanization. The dynamics of democratisation, native president Lee Teng-hui's domination of political agenda, the ambience of US-Taiwan strategic realignment and the maturity of political nationalism together facilitated Taiwanization. The fifth part (2000֊present) explores how America and Taiwan establish a strategic symbiosis for US-China strategic competition. The 9/11 Incident has little influence on the course of strategic symbiosis. The consolidation of Taiwan identity obliged thepan-blue camp to identify with Taiwan, promote political nationalism and deviate from their pro-unification ideology. The increased antagonism between Taiwanese nationalism and Chinese nationalism ossifies the symbiotic partnership between USAsian policy and Taiwanese nationalism and hinders China's rise to regional hegemonyand global superpower
Stepwise Activity of ClpY (HslU) Mutants in the Processive Degradation of Escherichia coli ClpYQ (HslUV) Protease Substrates
No full textOverexpression of T-LAK cell-originated protein kinase predicts poor prognosis in patients with stage I lung adenocarcinoma
No full textTumor recurrence is the most common cause of disease failure after surgical resection in early-stage lung adenocarcinoma. Identification of clinically relevant prognostic markers could help to predict patients with high risk of disease recurrence. A meta-analysis of available lung adenocarcinoma microarray datasets revealed that T-LAK cell-originated protein kinase (TOPK), a serine/threonine protein kinase, is overexpressed in lung cancer. Using stable cell lines with overexpression or knockdown of TOPK, we have shown that TOPK can promote cell migration, invasion, and clonogenic activity in lung cancer cells, suggesting its crucial role in lung tumorigenesis. To evaluate the prognostic value of TOPK expression in resected stage I lung adenocarcinoma, a retrospective analysis of 203 patients diagnosed with pathological stage I lung adenocarcinoma was carried out to examine the expression of TOPK by immunohistochemistry (IHC). The prognostic significance of TOPK overexpression was examined. Overexpression of TOPK (IHC score >3) was detected in 67.0% of patients, and these patients were more frequently characterized with disease recurrence and angiolymphatic invasion. Using multivariate analysis, patient age (>65 years old; P = 0.002) and TOPK overexpression (IHC score >3; P < 0.001) significantly predicted a shortened overall survival. Moreover, TOPK overexpression (IHC score >3; P = 0.005) also significantly predicted a reduced time to recurrence in the patients. Our results indicate that overexpression of TOPK could predetermine the metastatic capability of tumors and could serve as a significant prognostic predictor of shortened overall survival and time to recurrence. (Cancer Sci 2012; 103: 731738
[[alternative]]An Investigation of Current Mandarin Phonetic Phenomena in Taiwan
No full text[[abstract]]中文摘要
關鍵字：臺灣國語、華語語音、語言變化、語言調查。
臺灣地區的共同語－華語， 1949年起將近40年時間因為政治因素以臺灣海峽與中國大陸相隔而獨立發展，期間再加上與方言的密切接觸而受影響，在語音、詞彙、語法都已和中國大陸有所不同；是以「臺灣華語」可以被視為華語的變體之一。雖然在語言本質上，各地的語言變體並無孰優孰劣的問題、都應受到尊重，但在從事語言教學時，仍須有一套標準、規範存在；對臺灣地區的華語而言，這個標準絕非一昧遵從北京腔普通話。就語音方面來說，在臺灣不管「國語」說得如何標準，還是會有不同於北京的特色；有些語音現象，只要不涉及辨義，用「特色」稱之會比用「錯誤」好。
本文以訪談錄音方式從事臺灣地區華語語音方面的調查研究。先參酌數位學者（吳國賢：1984、薛鳳生：1990、洪惟仁：1992、葉德明：1995）所提出的臺灣華語語音現象，再加上作者自己於2000年以來的觀察，整理出臺灣地區目前的華語語音現象；依此初步觀察，設計包含詞組與句子的華語語音唸讀題目。訪談分成三大部分：第一部分為受試者語言背景與語言使用調查；第二部分為開放式問題以取得受試者自然的語音表現；第三部分以設計的華語語音念讀題目檢視受試者在某些特定語音點上的表現。受試者為閩南語區30位、客語區30位共60位高中生，以他們的語音來檢視作者先前的觀察，最後對臺灣地區華語語音特色做分析整理。
本文嘗試以這樣一個小規模的實際語音調查，提供臺灣地區華語教師在對外華語教學時作為參考，提醒外籍學生在實際世界與臺灣人溝通時會聽到怎樣的華語；同時華語教師也可以檢視自己的華語語音是否帶有文中所提及的這些「臺灣華語」語音特色，雖然不用力求「北京化」，但也不宜帶有會影響辨義的的臺灣腔。期望臺灣地區能早日出現一個專責機構，依語言變化事實來制定適時合宜的語言規範，且能以深遠眼光制定並推動語言政策。
華語文教師課堂語言對教學之影響—以師大國語中心之強化輸入為例
No full text[[abstract]]華語文的學習在各國掀起一股熱潮，而台灣的地理位置以及對各種文化的包容度，使得不少外籍人士選擇台灣境內的大學語言機構作為學習華語文的地點。在這些外籍學生學習過程中，其語言表達能力受到許多因素影響，在台灣以正規課程中的教師語言對學生的影響為鉅。國外有許多以英語或西班牙語為第二語言學習的相關研究，但目前以華語文為第二語言學習的研究並不豐富。因此，本論文選擇教師課堂語言之強化輸入這部分，從實際觀課研究中印證、發現華語文教師課堂語言對學生學習與教學上的影響，提供華語文教師在教學上的一個參考。
? 本論文以國立師範大學國語中心為研究個案，選擇初、中、高三個程度共十三個班級，蒐集的資料包括錄音、問卷、訪談、教材、札記等，錄得有效語料為7120分鐘，以描述統計將資料數字化後，以文字及圖表輔助解說。以實證研究印證相關文獻之論點，並釐清教師語之強化輸入對哪一程度的學生可收到較佳的成效；另外，並給予建議在教師語其他相關特徵的運用，也可使強化輸入在互動教學中的效果更好。
本文之觀察研究發現，初級程度學生因詞彙量的累積不足，無法意識到需使用目標句式參與課堂回應，不過教師可運用教師語對學生進行「強迫」及「強化輸入」，以促進其學習意識的提昇；中級程度學生因具備一定的詞彙量與語法基礎，能意識到以目標句式進行回應，更能與自己的舊知識結合後，嘗試以目標句式發表個人意見與經驗，而這就是學習意識提昇的一個現象，對師生互動起了更大的作用，兩者相輔相成；而高級程度學生方面，根據CPT (Chinese Proficiency Test)的分級，視華II（下）後半為中級過渡到高級程度的階段，也就是說K、L兩班即為此階段，其有效強化輸入之效果更佳。然而，以閱讀理解之書面語為學習重心之程度則不然。
在研究進行中，發現有幾個因素可能影響本文之研究分析與數據，首先進行觀察研究前必須要有授課班級教師的配合，而這便會影響觀課班級的選擇，間接影響研究結果之客觀代表性；其次，觀課時段的選擇與學生之間的熟悉度直接相關，學生之間彼此熟悉可明顯看出師生與生生互動提高，所以，各班學生間的熟悉度會影響參與觀察取得之師生互動原始資料；另外，教師之教學經驗也對師生互動有加分的效果。因此，未來若對此相關領域有興趣之研究者，亦可朝這些方面改善、深入研究，讓研究設計與結果更佳完善。
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