1,721,089 research outputs found
Orientation relationship transition of nanometre sized interphase precipitated TiC carbides in Ti bearing steel
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The Concept of Benevolence and Justice during the Song Dynasty
No full text宋朝的大忠臣文天祥(1236~1282)在從容就義的前夕，特親書絕筆自贊，繫之於衣帶間，其詞云：「孔曰成仁，孟曰取義，惟其義盡，所以仁至。讀聖賢書，所學何事？而今而後，庶幾無愧！」聖賢教人明仁義，知兼恥，並終身堅守不變。《易經》謂：「立人之道，曰仁與義。」不仁不義之徒是無法立於天地之間的。宋代士大夫重視儒術，講求政治清平，民生安樂，而治亂安危的關鍵人物是君主，故曰:「君仁莫不仁，君義莫不義。」君主好學，多與經筵官相接，究明聖人經旨，以前代興亡治亂為鑑，進而親賢臣，遠小人，行仁政，收民心，此然天下大治，國祚久長。北宋名儒司馬光，程頤、范祖禹等，任侍讀或侍講，皆勸皇上正君心，法祖宗。仁宗時，翰林侍講學士李淑所修成的《三朝寶訓》，便成為皇上御經筵時必讀的寶典。南宋理學家朱熹、真德秀為侍講、侍讀，力勸皇上先正心、誠意，則君道正而天下治，一切都在人君一念之間。宋儒認為仁是一切道德的總稱，包有四端和五常，絕不能用博愛二字來解釋仁，而仁與義又不能分開。雖說「仁者愛人」，但先要明愛之理，意謂愛的正當與否，要在斷之以義。朱熹釋仁謂「仁者心之德、愛之理」，最為切當。父母撫育子女是仁，而身教、言教或鞭打也是仁，此即愛切責嚴之義。他們不是坐而言，而亦起而行，為親族創義田、義莊，以幫助貧困的族人免於饑寒，為鄉人創義倉和義學，又有義塚、義役，皆為社會福利。宋廷亦極留心災荒救濟，深得人民愛戴。其立國雖不能純於仁義，而未嘗不慕義勉仁，得享三百二十年國祚，其效若是。Before his martyrdom, Wen Tien-hsiang (文天祥), the last prime minister of the Song Dynasty, wrote to demonstrate his determination to die for the cause of justice by referring to Confucius and Chinese traditional ethics. A typical intellectual in China must stand for the view professed in I Ching (Book of Change, 《易經》) that, 'Without the concepts of benevolence and justice one cannot establish oneself or get along in the world.' Scholars and officials in the Song Dynasty, such as Ssu-Ma Kuang (司馬光), Chen Yi(程賾), Fan Tsu-yu (范祖禹), Chu His(朱熹), and Chien Teh-shiou(黃德秀), cherished Confucian humanism and demanded that emperors should be educated to cherish moral laws and social duties. The imperial tutors and mentors developed a radical political philosophy putting the ruler under an obligation to save the world, They considered benevolence to be the main theme of morals; to them, benevolence is much more than kindness, and cannot be separated from justice. A benevolent man can love the people in the right way only after having realized the meaning of justice. As Chu Hsi points out, 'Benevolence is the highest ethical principle, by which one cares for others.' Benevolence is thoroughly applicable: many philanthropic enterprises carried out by the wealthy and influential families in the Song Dynasty were based upon the philosophic teaching of benevolence. That the Song governments were earnestly devoted to social relief was a proof of the success of the intellectuals in promoting the idea of benevolence and justice. And it is arguable that the Song Dynasty, though weak in military might, had been able to survive fierce foreign invasions and to last for more than three centuries because of its good government
The Study of History in Fukien during the Sung Dynasty
No full text宋代學特盛，到南宋尤卓絕，福建雖地處最東南，然文風頗盛，讀書人應舉中進士者不斷增加。南宋時，以其地距行都較近，學術風氣更形濃厚，在史學上之成就特別多。宋代福建史家有呂夏卿、蘇頌、章衡、周武仲、胡安國、胡寅、胡宏、鄭樵、朱熹、袁樞、陳均、呂中，凡十二人，其中以鄭樵、朱熹和袁樞最傑出，鄭樵《通志》，為繼司馬遷之後所撰成的一部紀傳體通史。朱熹《通鑑綱目》，開創綱目史體。袁樞《通鑑紀事本末》，開創紀事本末史體。對後世史學都有深遠影響。 福建史家的治使重點和成就在四方面：(一)重視通史，(二)重視本朝史，(三)重視義理，(四)創新史體。他們留心國事，經世觀念是非常強烈的，影響明清史學。Historical study was remarkable in the Sung (especially the southern Sung) Dynasty. Situated in the remote southeast area, Fukien was noted for its excellent records in national civil service examination, and for its outstanding scholary achievements, particularly in history. Historian in Fukien, such as Lu Shia-chin, Su Sung, Chang Hen, Chiou wu-chung, Hu An-kou, Hu Yian, Hu Huang, Cheng Chiao, Chu Hsi, Yuan Shu, Chang Chun, and Lu Chung, contributed much to the study of Chinese history. Cheng Chiao's Tung-Chi, a general history in the form of biography, Chu Hsi's Tung-Chien-Kan-Mu, which introduced an outline-and-detail format, and Yuan Shu's Tung-Chien-Chi-Shi-Pen-Mo, a new story-based history, were among the best works. Their emphases were on the importance of general history, contemporary history, moral judgment and literary style. And they were practically-oriented and concerned themselves with politics, and attitude assumed later by the historians in the Ming and Ching Dynasties
The Lius of Hsin-yu and Their Academic Achievements in the Sung Dynasty
No full text宋代較有名的家族，如真定韓氏，安陽韓氏，□ 中陳氏，澶州晁氏，河內向氏，晉江曾式，鄱陽洪氏，都是以應舉中進士起家，然後步入仕途，力爭上游，官至丞相、樞使，門第即時顯榮，其子孫多能克家，或在仕途上求發展，亦有再世為宰相者。或轉而走學術路子，乃逐漸形成一種家學，歷五六代而不衰，則知古人所謂：「君子之澤五世而斬」，對宋代學術世家而言，如新喻劉氏，並不是十分恰當的。 新喻劉氏的興起，自劉氏始，式自少年時即力學，十八時入白鹿洞書院讀書，考中明經第一，雖年未五十即逝世，但式之夫人陳氏能將其家藏書聚於墨莊，教五子立本、立言、立之、立禮和立德勤讀之，後皆相繼登進士。立之之子敞和攽又連登進士，以經史之學見重於士大夫。敞子奉世承襲家學，兩代同治《漢書》、《後漢書》，時稱三劉。到南宋孝宗時，立德的玄孫靖之和清之兄弟從事教育工作，由治經史而轉向性理之學，為朱熹之講友。同時，攽之曾孫龜年，與清之為兄弟行，亦講慎獨、正心之要，龜年子孟容又師事朱熹，其家學至此亦純尚理學了。 約自唐紹宗初年，至南宋寧宗之世，凡歷三百餘年，新喻劉氏以相傳至十一代，略可以考其世系人物，皆有史料可據。自劉式以下，其子孫連續三代都有中進士的，至第五世孫又相繼登科為名儒，赫然為江西一著名世家。今日吾輩論述宋代譜學，重在考明某一州縣之某一名族的世系和家風、家學，以說明其所以為名族之故，則在於世道人心之教益亦足以突顯了！The Hans of Chen-din, the Hans of An-yang, the Chens of Lang-chung, the Chaos of Chan-chou, the Hsians of Ho-nei, the Tsens of Chin-Kiang, and the Hungs of Po-yang were all famous families in the Sung Dynasty, who acquired prominent positions in the range of politics by means of civil service examination. Many of them were developed to learning, establishing a reputation of scholarly pursuits that lasted for several generations. The old proverb that a gentleman's achievements will never be matched by this posterity of the fifth generation' is not the case during the Sung period. The scholarly fame of the Lius of Hsin-yu was first built by Liu Shih. Liu Shih entered the natonally known academy called Pai-lu-don at the age of 18. He won the first place in the Min-chin competition. Liu Shih passed away in his late forties. His wife carried on her husband's intellectual commitment and educated their five sons so well that all of them obtained their titles of Chin-shih. Liu Shih's grandsons Liu Chan and Liu Bin, both conferred the degrees of Chin-shih, and Liu Chan's son Liu Fon-shih were all distinguished specialists in Han Shu (History of the Han Dynasty) and Ho Han Shu (History of the Eastern Han Dynasty). Their descendants Liu Chin-chi and Liu Ching-chi, in the Southern Sung period, were very renowned for their research on historical and philosophical subjects. The Lius of the later time devoted themselves completely to the study of philosophy and followed the great scholar Chu Shi. The Lius' celebrity for academic achievement lasted as long as three centuries, including 11 generations. There were members of the first three generations since Liu Shih who were titled Chin-shih, thus securing the Liu family in the Kiang-hsi province fame for intellectual interests. This article is aimed to show how the Lius achieved such remarkable accomplishments and how they set a good example to those who tried to win promotion by academic efforts
On the Lineage of the Yu-wen Clan of Ch'eng-tu in Sung China
No full text本文就宋代成都的宇文氏一族人物做一研究，以說明一個家族的譜系。宋代成都的宇文氏，是在唐懿宗時代或以後遷去的，到南宋初年已歷二百六十多年，前後九代了。目前所能考求的宋代成都宇文氏譜系，唯有元費著撰的《成都氏族譜》可依據，再輔以南宋人文集中所述，可以略譜其世系。觀其譜系，宋理宗以後，成都宇文氏已由盛而衰，這與宋末四川不斷發生兵亂有關。由於道路遙阻，憚於跋涉，士子多絕意於科名。宇文峒的子孫即因宋末蜀亂無法返鄉，遂留住在吳興，其曾孫公諒舉元元統元年(1333)進士，以儒學顯。元修《宋史》缺傳很多，雖然由於宋末史館記載不備，臣僚之家多未能將先世的墓銘行狀上之史館，無從立傳，即使宋理宗時所修的《中興四朝國史》亦多缺略。但元史臣倉卒修書，不能假以時日廣收博採，所以當立傳者終因宋史館中沒有現成的史料，便從缺了。由成都宇文氏一族為例，更可以看出《宋史》缺傳的嚴重。在我國兆民萬姓中，宇文氏並不是豪族大姓，又沒有族譜流傳下來，實不易做其支屬譜系之研究。惟在宋代，也只有移居成都的宇文氏尚稱光顯，其他各州則少見。到元、明、清三朝，宇文氏中進士者，元代只有公諒，明代僅見宇文鍾，清代竟無一人。在朝中沒有政治地位，顯然宇文氏早已沒落了
The Practice of Resigning among Sung Officials
No full text宋代士大夫之辭官之事例，有未就任前之懸辭，其原因或以自己性向和專長，或以倫理行輩，或因親老疾病，或以避家諱、親嫌，或以與同官志不同、道不合難以共事，或自愧未盡職責，或覺理念不合難以承命，或欲行其志而時機未至，時殊人異，情況不一，難以一一遍舉。有的是就任以後而請辭的，其情況最多的為引年乞休，古人以七十而致君，意味該退休的年齡到了，就應上章告老歸田。比較動人憐恤的說法為「乞骸骨」，意味不想在異鄉病故。或者因體衰染疾，不堪任責，亦不願防後生之進路，而乞求祠祿。或者子弟親戚偶犯過失，而必須承擔家教不嚴之罪。或者所薦舉之人才有了不當言行，而要負謬舉之責。或因災異、天變，或有行政疏失，或受臺諫論列，或遭家庭變故，如親亡子喪，都應上章自請解職或乞閒。事例甚多，亦難以遍舉。如果丁憂而不辭官守喪，而美其名曰「起復」，是為不孝之大者，必受到士大夫之嚴厲批判。就義理而言，仕宦是為了能行其志，而不是為享受祿賜。如果做官為享富貴，而貪得無厭，那讀書人學的又是什麼？所以宋人將行道與祿仕區別的甚嚴，能行道則出仕，不能行道則辭官，這是最高尚的志操，只有純正的讀書人，心志堅定者，乃能一以貫之。由宋代士大夫辭官風氣來看，恬退不僅受士大夫崇敬，即帝王也覺得應特加獎賞，以打壓奔競之風、匡正澆薄之俗，這又說明宋朝政治頗為開明，皇帝並不以屢次辭官為抗旨不忠，也能容納不同的言論，這種政治發展，是比較健康的
Liu Chi's Victory in the Battle of Shun-chang and Its Influence
No full text宋高宗渡江之初，內有盜賊之亂，外有金兵之入侵，極為艱困。幸賴名相李綱、趙鼎等修內政、收人心，名將韓世忠、劉光世、岳飛等抗外侮、嚴守備，得以轉危為安。紹興八年(1138)，宋金第一次約和，金朝主戰派兀朮反對，於紹興十年夏再度發兵侵宋，圍攻順昌。宋方守將劉錡(1098~1162)採堅壁清野之策，奮勇抗敵，時方盛暑，金兵不能忍受酷熱，戰力銳減，而宋軍則置之死地而後生，卒獲空前的勝利。此戰後，宋軍士氣大振，對抗金致勝之信心大增；同年，岳飛北伐，亦有郾城之捷，金朝深知無力消滅南宋，終於十二年與宋締結和約。南宋能偏安江南一百五十年，諸將轉戰之功實不可抹滅。The situation was tough and difficult for the newly-established dynasty of the Southern Sung when its founder, Sung Kao-tsung, withdrew to southern China, with bandits surging within and the Chin threatening from the North. It was through the ministry of Li Kan (李綱) and Chao Tin (趙鼎) and by the military achievements of Han Shih-chung (韓世忠), Liu Kuang-shih (劉光世) and Yuei Fei (岳飛) that the Southern Sung government managed to survive. Breaking its First Agreement with the Sung (1138), the warlike ruler Chin, Wu Chu (兀?), threatened again to conquer the South in 1140. During the Battle of Shun-chang (順昌), Liu Chi (劉錡), the commander of the defending force, effectively fortified the defense works and left nothing usable to the enemy. His strategy, with the help of hot weather, led to an overwhelming victory, which greatly enhanced the confidence of the Sung troops in facing the northern invaders. At the same time, Yuei Fei pushed north and claimed a great victory at Yen-chen (郾城). Acknowledging their failure to defeat the Southern Sung forces, the Chin finally reached another peace settlement with the southern regime two years later, leaving it alone for one and a half centuries
The Chronological Biography of Professor Tsung-wu Yao
No full text姚從吾先生原名士鰲，字占卿，一字存吾，曾取《論語》孔子言「從吾所好」一語，刻為印章，因又以從吾為號，後即以號行，河南省襄城縣人。清德宗光緒二十年(民國前十八年，一八九四年)九月初九日(十月七日)生，至民國三年夏，考入北京中華大學預科，畢業後考入北京大學文科史學門。民國九年畢業；即考入文科研究所，十一年卒業，十二年赴德國留學，入柏林大學，專治蒙古史及歷史方法論。留德十一年，並曾在波恩大學東方研究所任教，至二十三年夏始返國，受聘為北京大學文學院歷史系教授，講授歷史學方法‧匈奴史及遼金元史，二十五年兼任系主任。二十六年七月七日，盧溝橋事變爆發，全面抗戰展開，北大、清華和南開均南遷至長沙，再遷雲南昆明，三校合一，成立國立西南聯合大學，任歷史系教授。先生深感此次抗日戰爭，關係民族存亡，是長期性的，抗戰史料不能及時徵集，以備將來修史，乃敦請聯合大學與北平圖書館合作，共組史料徵集委員會，草擬計劃逐日搜輯，至三十四年八月抗戰勝利，將所輯史料裝成二百多箱運送至北平。
民國三十五年十一月，被命出任河南大學校長，延聘名師，提升教學與研究。不幸在三十七年夏，國共內戰爆發，開封失守，脫身逃難到南京，出任故宮博物館文獻館館長，押運故宮文物來到台灣，不久被聘國立台灣歷史系教授，講授遼金元史、東北史專題研究及歷史研究法，指導學生論文。二十一年間，專心研究，每年皆有論文發表於《大陸雜誌》及《台大文史哲學報》。民國四十七年四月，當選為中央研究院人文組院士。為促進台灣地區宋遼金元史研究，成立宋史座談會，貢獻最多。五十九年四月十五日在研究室因心力衰竭倒在坐椅上，送醫急救不及，與世長辭，享年七十六。著作除生前自編成之《東北史論叢》外，其他講義及專題研究論文，由門人編成《姚從吾先生全集》，由正中書局出版
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