1,721,007 research outputs found
Middle Powers in Asia and Europe in the Twenty-First Century
No full textThis volume presents three claims regarding the role of middle powers in the 21st Century: first, states aspiring to become or remain middle powers choose from three possible role: to be a global middle powers; to be a regional pivot; or to be a niche leader. Second, states seeking such roles need different mixes of hard and soft power sources. Third, more so than great or small powers, middle powers walk a thin line between the domestic and systemic pressures they face. In this volume, these claims are based on (comparative) case studies of Germany, Iran, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, South Korea, Sweden, and Turkey
Introduction: Middle Powers as the Ugly Ducklings of International Relations Theory
No full textThe Introduction to the volume covers the theoretical basis of the project. It examines the definitions of 'middle powers' and their roles within the discipline of International Relations. The Introduction confirms the main findings of the volume, namely that the 'status' of 'middle power' is the outcome of the state self-definition as well as the perceived role as 'middle powers by other states
Silent disasters in forgotten conflicts. Analysing the Kyrgyz-Tajik conflict from geopolitical and political ecology perspectives
No full textThe post-Soviet region is often described as a region of high conflict
potential. The number of cross-border conflicts between post-Soviet states
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have been growing steadily since the
dissolution of the Soviet Union. This conflict is understudied in the
existing academic literature and controversies surround the attempts to
explain the underlying causes. This thesis identifies multiple causes and drivers which
exacerbate tensions and hinder the restoration of peace, including the competition over
natural resources, the legacies of the Soviet Union regarding border demarcation,
socio-economic hardships and ethnic differences. This case study uses causal process tracing
to analyse the extent to which the Kyrgyz-Tajik conflict can be explained from a geopolitical
or a political ecology perspective. This thesis finds that the political ecology perspective
offers a more comprehensive understanding of the underlying causes of the Kyrgyz-Tajik
conflict.
Thesi
The 2023 Nagorno-Karabach war: how a frozen conflict burst into flames
No full textThis study examines why the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict escalated in September 2023, with the decision
of Azerbaijan to intervene militarily. By using a single case study and process tracing methodology, this
research investigates the interplay between systemic and domestic factors that influenced this decision.
Neorealism and neoclassical realism serve as the theoretical frameworks for this analysis. The study
finds that regional instability, particularly the shifts in power dynamics, influenced by weakened Russian
presence and enhanced Azerbaijani-Turkish relations, created a strategic opportunity for Azerbaijan to
assert control over Nagorno-Karabakh. This supports the neorealist theory that focuses on the systemic
factors. At the same time, President Ilham Aliyev’s decisive and task-oriented leadership style, revealed
through Leadership Trait Analysis, was crucial in translating these systemic pressures into military
action. This aligns with neoclassical realism. The findings show that both systemic and domestic factors
played important roles in shaping Azerbaijan’s actions. This research helps to explain how different
factors drive state behavior in conflicts and highlights the critical role of leadership in making foreign
policy decisions
The Competition for Fresh Water. An analysis of the water conflict between Ethiopia and Egypt
No full textFor several decades, Ethiopia and Egypt compete for the access to the freshwater resources of the Nile River. The construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam intensified the tensions in the Nile Basin, as the water security was already affected by climate change, populations growth, industrialization and urbanization. This thesis performs a qualitative document analysis with a process-tracing method on the water conflict between the Ethiopia and Egypt. This thesis analyzes the extent that the international relations theories, such as structural realism, neoliberalism and foreign policy analysis, can identify the conditions that promote or hinder a water conflict between Ethiopia and Egypt. This thesis analyzes that structural realism identifies that states serve their water security interests in the anarchic system, which results in promoting the water conflict. Furthermore, neoliberalism can identify that in the water conflict are relevant institutions, frameworks and mechanisms, however it cannot explain that these international institutions have no influence in facilitating long-term cooperation in the water conflict. Foreign policy analysis identifies that the interests of relevant domestic actors in Ethiopia diverge from the interests of relevant domestic actors in Egypt, making it more likely to have a water conflict. Last, the approaches of structural realism and foreign policy analysis complement each other, because each approach focuses on a different level in the system, namely the international and the domestic system
Israeli LGBT Public Diplomacy: Progress or Diversion?
No full textIsrael uses public diplomacy to broadcast the message to other western liberal democracies that
it has advanced LGBT rights in order to gain and maintain closer ties with these states. However,
this public diplomacy strategy has become contested as allegations are raised that Israel is
merely using this strategy as a way to divert from its human rights violations in Palestine. The goal
of this research is to investigate what the extent and the eect of this public diplomacy are and
to what degree the contestation thereof has damaged the eectiveness of it. Two research
questions have been formulated: “To what extent and how does Israel engage in public diplomacy
concerning LGBT rights in order to gain and maintain support from the Benelux and to what extent
does that improve its public diplomacy?” and “To what extent and how is the Israeli LGBT public
diplomacy contested in the Benelux and to what extent does this damage its public diplomacy?”.
To answer these research questions, Israel’s LGBT public diplomacy has been contextualised and
a content analysis of publications and statements by LGBT organisations, political parties in the
Benelux has been conducted. Furthermore, the tool Google Trends has been used to analyse
whether the Israeli LGBT public diplomacy and the contestation thereof have been actively looked
up by individuals in the Benelux. The research, however, shows that neither the Israeli LGBT public
diplomacy nor the contestation thereof seem to have any desired eect in the Benelux as the
topic remains largely uncovered
Policy-making in an ivory tower. A case study analysis of Dutch foreign policy on the Israel-Hamas war
No full textThis thesis investigates the factors influencing Dutch foreign policy on the Israel-Hamas war. Putnam’s two-level game framework serves to examine interactions between domestic and international levels in foreign policy-making. The influence of alliances on foreign policy is studied using alliance theory, while public opinion serves as a domestic influence on Dutch foreign policy. Additionally, this thesis investigates how the Dutch government attempts to legitimize its foreign policy towards the population by employing framing theory and Domestic Digital Diplomacy (DDD).
This research is based on a single case study approach and qualitative analysis. Process tracing and document analysis will be used to analyze foreign policy sources. Framing will be investigated through structured content analysis.
This thesis found that alliances significantly influence small states' foreign policy, whereas domestic factors do not. Furthermore, this study concludes that the government’s framing strategy did not result in a convincing shift in public opinion. The gap between public opinion and the government’s stance on the Israel-Hamas war is thus highly likely to persist.
By examining how different factors influence Dutch foreign policy, this research contributes to the debate on whether the national or international level is most decisive for foreign policy-making. Furthermore, it contributes to understanding how governments may use framing to legitimize their foreign policy. Lastly, using a most likely case, this thesis aims to contribute to the development of alliance theory and explore how it must be further developed
The Role of Intergovernmental Autonomy in Engagement with Violent Non State Actors
No full textThis research investigates the degree of autonomy intergovernmental organizations enjoy, the causal mechanisms that shape how this autonomy is constituted, and how it influences engagements with violent non-state actors. The research is focused on the Office of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Yemen (OSESGY). Triggered by the apparent temporary success of the 2022 truce in the Yemeni civil war, this research analyzes what aspects of autonomy contributed to engaging effectively and efficiently with a violent non-state actor, exemplified by the case of the Yemeni Houthi movement.
This qualitative analysis follows a single case design, exploring the case of the Yemeni civil war. The focus of this thesis is to explore the dimensions of intergovernmental autonomy before, and during the 2022 Yemeni truce, which the Special Envoy brokered between the Houthi movement, the Yemeni government forces, and the Saudi-led intervention coalition. Utilizing the methodology of process tracing, this thesis uncovers the causal mechanisms that constitute intergovernmental autonomy.
The depoliticization efforts of the intergovernmental organization proved critical for engagement with the Houthi movement. Depoliticization is constituted through the principal-agent relation between the OSESGY and the United Nations Secretary General, creating distance between the politicized policies of member-states and the violent non-state actor. The time sensitivity of regional war and the increased credibility of the intergovernmental organization aided the increase in intergovernmental autonomy, which lead to effective and efficient, albeit temporary successful engagements with the violent non-state actor
The Relationship between credibility and effective deterrence
No full textThis thesis analyzes the circumstances that bring about ineffective deterrence by reflecting on the failure of the US deterrence strategy vis-à-vis Syria in the run-up to the chemical weapons attack on Ghouta. I distinguish between two perspectives on deterrence; Classical Deterrence Theory and Perfect Deterrence Theory. Both theories hypothesize different causal mechanisms that offer alternative perspectives on the role that past actions play in determining the credibility of a current deterrent threat. By reflecting on these competing perspectives, this thesis establishes which causal mechanism can best account for the circumstances which bring about ineffective deterrence. I find that the US strategy vis-à-vis Syria failed due to the US’ weakened soft power base, a lack of domestic and international support for strikes against Syria, the absence of US national interests in the Syrian region and the fact that Syria’s provocation did not pose a threat to US territorial sovereignty
The everlasting special relationship between the United States and Israel
No full textThis research focusses on the support for Israel by the United States (US) after the attacks of October 7th 2023. It investigates multiple explanations for the US support using balance of power theory, constructivism and the selectorate theory. These theories are tested for their explanatory power using a single case study of the US foreign policy towards Israel. The single case in this study is designed as a ‘most-likely’ case for balance of power and focusses on three time periods, a year prior to the attacks, immediately after the attacks, and lastly the months following the attacks up until the announcement that the US is going to construct a floating harbour near the Gaza Strip on March 7th 2024, eventually finding an answer to why the US keeps steadfast support for Israel.
In order to answer the research question, military and economic power indicators, policy papers from both the US and Israel, and voter preferences in the US were analysed. Balance of power theory could not explain the US support for Israel in the months after the attacks of October 7th 2023. The US did however share ideas and ideologies with Israel, and the US made efforts to prevent foreign policy failure concerning Israel, which alternatively explains why the US keeps steadfast support for Israel
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