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A deconstruction of the term "revolution"
Get PDFThe precise meaning of the concept of (political) revolution remains semantically contested.
According to Arslanian (2013:127) this concept “is often used liberally, applied to everything from
the ‘Social Media Revolution’ to the ‘Sexual Revolution’”. Brinton (1965:1-4) agrees, referring
to revolution as a concept that “troubles the semanticist not only because of its wide range in
popular usage, but also because it is one of those words charged with emotional content”.
In some instances revolution even becomes a “holy word” with an a priori moral force which
sets preconditions for moral righteousness. It seems that “the revolution” can become just as
important as a religion would be. This same revolution/religion also provides the opportunity to
gain material and immaterial goods for human-kind (Marcuse, 2001:123). Koselleck (as quoted by
Marinelli; 2014:8) argues that the semantics of the concept revolution is by no means unequivocal.
The goal of this article therefore is to address the semantic vagueness of the political concept
of revolution through a literature analysis, subsequently listing observable characteristics of the
phenomenon. As such, this article is a theoretical effort contributing to what Babbie and Mouton
(2008:113) call the hermeneutic cycle of ever-deepening understanding in which the different
observables of revolution will be arrived at via the deconstruction of various definitions from
wide-ranging schools of thought and ideas of revolution
Local government instability in a post-2009 South African election environment: Analytical and strategic perspectives
No full textRegime transition in South Africa - liberation oligarchical tendencies?
Get PDFhttp://www.sabinet.co.za/abstracts/contemp/contemp_v35_n2_a5.htm
The Polokwane conference and South Africa’s second political transition: tentative conclusions on future perspectives
Get PDFIn this phase of South Africa’s second political transition (manifesting characteristics of political decay) it looks as if the ANC is becoming more dominant, hegemonic and ideological, with added neo-patrimonial tendencies that are becoming more overt in an oligarchic manner. This article analyses the ANC’s Polokwane conference (qualitatively and deductively) as part of South Africa’s second political transition since 1994 and postulates potential outcomes (scenario perspectives)
South African national elections, 1994-2009: A contextual comparison
No full textThe article compares the national elections from 1994 to 2009 contextually and argues that the most
important developments in politics did not take place within the systems as measured agains election
results, but precisely within the broader context. Notwithstanding, the national elections are important
comparable milestones which indeed point out the contextual instead of the system nature of South
African politics
A conceptualisation of the dysfunctional state
Get PDFThesis (MA (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.In recent decades, the phenomenon of post-colonial state dysfunction has received increased attention, from both popular and academic perspectives. In a political world order where the existence of states are assumed as fundamentally normal, and in fact necessary for the maintenance of the international status quo, the increasing tendency for certain states of the developing world to succumb to dysfunction is viewed with some alarm. Such instances of state dysfunction have been variously and inconsistently described as failed states, weak states, collapsed states, et cetera. The aforementioned terms are currently in widespread use with the media, as well as academia. This study demonstrates that hitherto, there has been scant scholarly attention devoted to the theoretical conceptualisation and definition of this phenomenon, which it terms the dysfunctional state – thereby dispensing with the manifold confusing terms noted in the literature, for example, failed states. Building upon a thorough and clear exposition of the meta-scientific assumptions regarding the nature and functions of science, particularly in the application of this study, the concept of state is reconstructed. This serves as the orienting feature in the theoretical landscape of state dysfunction, from which the deviant characteristics of dysfunctional states may be juxtaposed with the attributes of the ideal-typical state. The aberrant characteristics of dysfunctional states are analysed from the works of three influential scholars, namely Joel S. Migdal, Robert H. Jackson, and Samuel P. Huntington. The insights of each author, in the guise of the scientific constructs they employ, are subsequently reconstructed, interpreted, and evaluated, whilst consistently invoking the tenets of the ideal-typical statehood in a methodologically uniform manner. What results from this process is a conceptualisation (i.e. the application of scientific constructs in the investigation of a phenomenon) of the dysfunctional state, which is subsequently presented in the form of a theoretical definitional statement.Master
The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) in a post– 1994 South Africa : a reconstruction, interpretation and evaluation of this revolutionary ideology
Get PDFThesis (PhD (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) is the central ideology of the governing tripartite alliance consisting of the ANC, the SACP and COSATU. In this class alliance that was formed in the struggle against apartheid, Communists, Socialists, (black) nationalists, Neo-liberalists and Pan-Africanists were to a certain degree united against the enemy of “colonialism of a special type” (apartheid in the vernacular of the NDR) and its exploitational economic legacy. From 2005 onward serious divisions within the once monolithic broad liberationist church became evident, and in 2007 at the Polokwane conference neo-liberalism (the “1996 class project”) was purged in favour of a more stringent and more socialist interpretation of the NDR. In 2012 the call went out for a “national democratic society” in South Africa in accordance with the basic principles of the NDR which will rely on an active citizenry, incorporated on all levels in (political) party structures and functions. This party (the ANC) and its associated activities are seen to be the gateway to development, health care, education and sustainable and safe communities. This principle is borrowed from Mao Zedong’s China where the “Mass Line” principle was first developed, and so the “cadre deployment strategy” that has such an impact on every bureaucracy in South Africa actually comes from Vietnam of the 1950s. As such the NDR is a “compendium of ideological principles.”
It is vitally important that this ideology and its antecedent ideologies and theories, as well as the various schools of thought within the NDR, be analysed in order to provide insight into the decisions the government of South Africa takes, as well as into tripartite alliance politics, faction politics within the broad liberationist church, and policy decisions ranging from Southern Africa to the UN; from economic policies and possibilities of nationalisation of mines and other industries to military decisions and arms scandals. It is therefore the goal of this thesis to present a reconstruction, interpretation and evaluation of the National Democratic Revolution as ideological framework in the post-1994 South Africa. In support of this problem statement the central theoretical statement presented by this thesis is that the NDR forms the fundamental ideology of the ANC, the tripartite governing alliance in South Africa and the associated broad church. Herein a vision of the unjust past, the unacceptable present and the utopian future is developed, consisting of a hard core of fundamental assumptions and an adaptable context of application which, like a living organism, adapts all the time to a changing environment that will eventually dominate South Africa politically in theory and practice.
The problem statement of this thesis is investigated in Chapter 2 by the reconstruction of radical thinking as an ideological framework; In Chapter 3 by the reconstruction of the ideologies and theories that contributed to the formulation of the NDR; in Chapter 4 by the reconstruction and interpretation of the development of the NDR within the South African historical context; in Chapter 5 by the reconstruction and interpretation of the NDR and its analytical dimension; in Chapter 6 by the reconstruction and interpretation of the NDR and its normative dimension; in Chapter 7 by the reconstruction and interpretation of the NDR and its the strategic dimension, and in Chapter 8 through the provision of an evaluation of the ideology of the NDR as well as short scenario perspectives on the future of the NDR. During the investigation described above several important factors came to light. Arguably the most important of them, described in Chapters 4 and 8, deals with paradigm shifts and the possible future(s) of the NDR. In this regard it is
important to note Blade Nzimande’s (2006) assertion: “the character, content and direction of the NDR are of fundamental importance to our alliance”. This thesis proposes that the character, content and direction of the NDR are of fundamental importance to all having a substantial interest in South Africa.Doctora
An analysis of the role of the ANC in building a political culture that is conducive to democracy in South Africa
Get PDFThesis (PhD) Political Studies , North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2024.Political culture is a fundamental aspect of all democratic states as it plays a role in democratic consolidation (Merkel, 1998:57). Due to South Africa’s long history of oppression and segregation under apartheid rule, political culture is especially important in reinforcing democracy, enhancing nation-building and upholding the rule of law (Waetjen & Murray, 2001:198). Thus, the new dispensation after 1994 aimed to not only redress the socio-economic injustices of the past but also build a political culture that would play a meaningful role in strengthening the country’s democracy. These objectives were meant to be achieved through the political leadership of the African National Congress (ANC)-led government, civil society and the government’s socio-economic programmes.
However, since 1994, the process of democratic consolidation that the ANC embarked on has failed to build a political culture that is conducive to South Africa’s democracy. Thus, despite South Africa having transitioned to democratic rule and established a constitution that upholds the principles of social justice and respecting human rights, under the leadership of the ANC these values have not significantly been practiced by the organization and in broader society. This is reflected by the citizenry’s experience of democracy being characterized by poverty, unemployment and inequality, with many citizens losing trust in state institutions that are meant to reinforce democracy by improving their standard of living (Govender, 2016:238 and Masipa, 2018:2). This has produced a political culture of disengagement (from the citizenry) which is not conducive to South Africa’s democracy. Furthermore, this situation can be attributed to the hegemonic position that the ANC has enjoyed since 1994 which has allowed it to dominate power at all levels of government and establish a political culture of corrupt patronage networks that is embedded within the party, in state institutions and the private sector (Filatova, 2011 and Erasmus, 2021).
In light of the above, it is important to note that “political culture does not develop in a vacuum” (Mattes, 2002:28-29). Thus, the process of building a political culture that is conducive to democracy must take into account factors such as a country’s history, its political system, its socio-economic conditions and the shared and individual experiences of the citizenry.
Considering the abovementioned factors, this research found that South Africa has a complex political culture that cannot be described as a single or uniform entity. South Africa’s political culture has not remained stable through time. This has been demonstrated by the different and sometimes contradicting characteristics that make up the country’s political culture.Doctora
A comparative analysis of the membership of Brazil and South Africa to BRICS
Get PDFMSoc.Sc (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom CampusThis study compares the contribution of Brazil and South Africa towards BRICS (Brazil, India, China, South Africa). Both Brazil and South Africa are countries from the global south and they are both among the leading economic developing powers on their respective continents. Both countries have been facing similar problems; in 2016 the former Brazilian president (Dilma Rousseff) was impeached for corruption at the same time political opposition in South Africa were calling for the removal of its previous president Jacob Zuma. Both countries have the same goal of decentralising global power and bringing about a new world order wherein international power in the United Nation’s, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund is more fairly distributed between the developed and rich northern nations, and the poorer developing countries of the South. Brazil and South Africa also form part of IBSA (India, Brazil, South Africa), which is an established trilateral initiative comprised of India, Brazil and South Africa, which promotes South-South cooperation (SSC) and the transformation of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organisation (WTO). A comparison, using the theories of international relations would explain the political and economic contributions of South Africa and Brazil to BRICS and the importance thereof for the countries involved and the alliance.Master
Radicalism in contemporary South African political thought, as exemplified in selected political party rhetoric (1994-2021)
Get PDFMA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom CampusSouth Africa has been a democracy for nearly three decades. During the past 28 years, the Republic of South Africa has been the subject of a constant process of political, economic and social change, as it is increasingly shaped by the governing ideas flowing from the wellspring of thought that informs the governing party and its allies in government. While many discussions took place at the highest possible level before the first democratic election took place, it was with the election of Nelson Mandela as the president of South Africa that a new political order was born. When Mandela became president in 1994, his message was one of peace, dignity, and respect for all those who called South Africa their home (Evans, 2017)Master
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