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    Introduction

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    This introductory chapter delineates the basic features of the Five Stars Movement, its characters of populist movements, the role of the leadership and of grassroots activists, the style of communication, the ideological profile. This general framework is then used to compare the FSM with similar political experiences around Europe (in particuar the Spanish Podemos and the German Piraten Partei). The chapter concludes by anticipating the content and structure of the book

    Conclusion. The organisational and ideological roots of the electoral success

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    This chapter explains the unexpected electoral success of the Five Star Movement in the Italian general elections of 2013 by analysing three possible set of factors. First, success might be favoured by institutional conditions that make it easier for challengers of existing parties to access the competition. This is sometimes referred to as electoral contestability. Secondly, a party might profit from an innovative organisational structure that makes it easier to mobilise its electoral base, or to have access to the necessary resources (e.g. funding). In general, the organisational advantage consists of being able to better exploit some relevant change in the environment. Third, the success of a challenger can originate from its ability to intercept the expectations and needs of a segment of the electorate that existing parties are not (or are no longer) able to represent. This refers, in other words, to occupying the ‘right spot’ in the political space, one that is either genuinely new, i.e. defined by a new dimension of competition, or has been left unguarded by existing parties

    Il centro-destra in cerca di unità e il riemergere della destra neo-fascista

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    L’anno del centro-destra può essere ben racchiuso tra questi due estremi: da un lato la Lega che cerca di completare la ridefinizione della propria identità, dimenticando l’indipendentismo padano e posizionandosi all’estrema destra, enfatizzando le posizioni anti-immigrati e anti-euro, con l’ambizione di espandere il proprio elettorato anche al centro-sud [Vampa 2017]; dall’altro Berlusconi che costruisce per sé e per il proprio partito un’immagine di forza politica moderata e affidabile, inevitabile cerniera di qualunque alleanza post-elettorale. In mezzo, Fratelli d’Italia (FdI), il piccolo partito di Giorgia Meloni, che raccoglie i voti dei nostalgici del Movimento sociale italiano (Msi). Come vedremo, alla destra di questi partiti «istituzionali», sono riemerse frange neo-fasciste, rappresentate da due gruppi extraparlamentari – Forza Nuova e CasaPound – che hanno conquistato una sorprendente e preoccupante centralità mediatica nella seconda parte del 2017
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