78,360 research outputs found

    Tangi and State Funeral: Te Arikinui Dame Te Atairangikaahu and Prime Minister Norman Kirk

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    The tangi of Te Arikinui Dame Te Atairangikaahu (Te Arikinui) in 2006 paralleled the State funerals for New Zealand Prime Ministers like Norman Kirk who died in 1974. State funerals require the huge mobilization of people and resources and always attract the attention of the national and international media. The death of a Prime Minister is news worthy, but what of a minority indigenous fourth world leader like Te Arikinui? Why did her passing attract so much media attention? In this study I argue that media representation of the tangi of Te Arikinui was largely about social, cultural and symbolic capital. In media saturated societies such as Aotearoa/New Zealand, through mainstream media outlets like TV One News and the Waikato Times, Te Arikinui’s tangi event claimed a dominant space in the lives of Maori and non Maori alike. The data source includes print news media coverage of the tangi of Te Arikinui and the State funeral of Norman Kirk. Descriptive narrative and abductive analysis inform the methodology used in this study. As expected, print media reporting of both events progressed through the three stages identified by Durkheim, those of, separation, liminality and reincorporation. The ownership of death, the deceased and the continued possession of their mortal remains, itself a cultural object with symbolic and cultural capital, reflected the actual power and control of the possessor. State funerals and tangi are about the ritualized performance of grief and mourning, and require the appropriate social, cultural and symbolic capital for its enactment

    Nga taonga o Te Urewera

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    This report sets out to establish that Te Urewera and Tuhoe - the place, the people - are synonymous. It is argued by two discrete approaches - cultural property and the significance of place. These are both enmeshed in the Tuhoe concept of matemateaone, which is defined and demonstrated throughout the text. Issues of Tuhoe heritage and cultural property are positioned within the international indigenous context, and considered in detail with reference to the United Nations Report on the Protection of the Heritage of Indigenous Peoples tabled in June 1995. A Tuhoe response to the nine sections of this document form the basis of this submission, as they clearly reflect the intentions and principles that configure the articles of the Treaty of Waitangi

    O pułapce „skojarzeniowej” w humanistyce. (Na marginesie uroszczenia S. Gałkowskiego w jego próbie „logicznej” wykładni Znanieckiego)

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    Autor polemiki we wstępie wskazuje na zjawisko "reductio ad absurdum" koncepcji Znanieckiego w wykładni adresata jego krytyki. Dalej jest zarysowana ogólna perspektywa sprzeciwu wobec podejścia Stanisława Gałkowskiego. Przedstawiono także krytycyzm i pochwały wobec Znanieckiego ze strony autora polemiki. W tekście wskazuje się na pułapkę czytania epistemicznego jako etyczne nadużycie logiki. Wreszcie, zamiast zakończenia, mówi się o traktowaniu tradycji myśli humanistycznej i uczula na błędy interpretacyjne popełnione przez krytykowanego autora. Główny błąd polega na skojarzeniach czytelnika blokujących mu głębszy dostęp do znaczenia czytanej koncepcji.In his introduction the author of this polemic indicates the phenomenon of "reductio ad absurdum" of Znaniecki's conception in the exegesis of the addressee of this criticism. Next there is an outline sketched concerning the general perspective of disagreement against the approach by S. Gałkowski. There is also outlined criticism and appraisal towards Znaniecki by the author of this polemics. The text illustrates the trap of an epistemic reading as an ethical abuse of logics. Finally instead of a conclusion one is discussing the ways of treatement of the tradition of humanistic reflection and it warns against interpretative errors committed by the criticised author. The basic error is perceived as the result of domination of application of harmful associations of the leader blocking the way to deeper sense of the conception

    'Te Kawau Mārō' The Role of Media in Revitalising Te Reo Māori

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    The intent of this thesis is to investigate the role media plays in relation to the revitalisation of te reo Māori in Aotearoa/New Zealand society. This is essential as the media's latent potential is often underestimated and therefore underutilised. For Māori and inevitably te reo Māori, media has been a topic of heated contestation for over a century. It is postulated that throughout this troubled history, media's influence has contributed to an erosion of te reo Māori and then conversely, since the late 20th century, its attempted revival. The journey of te reo Māori from past to present may be likened to a voyage of a traditional 'waka hourua' (voyaging or double hulled canoe). 'Nga ngaru e toru' ('three waves') illustrates the three stages that I have defined as catalysts significantly impacting te reo Māori. Grounded firmly in a Kaupapa Māori methodological and theoretical framework based on careful research and intimate cultural knowledge, my innovative approaches to language revitalisation entitled the Tapatoru (triangle) Model 1 and Tapatoru Model 2 will be introduced and explained. These distinct language revitalisation paradigms illustrate the core ingredients needed in effective language revival and illustrate the positioning and function of the media within these strategic models

    Place attachment of Ngāi Te Ahi to Hairini Marae

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    Twelve members of Ngāi Te Ahi, a hapū from Tauranga, were interviewed to explore how they talk about their place attachment to Hairini Marae. This was organized around five key dimensions of place attachment taken from the literature—continuity, distinctiveness, symbolism, attachment and familiarity. We found that in discussing all dimensions, place attachment was equally about social and cultural relationships, history, and socialization. Place attachment for groups such as Māori is complex because it encompasses all social relationships past and present. The implication for those working with Māori is to take seriously the wider connotations of place when talking to Māori about marae, traditional homelands, and their land

    Tangihanga: The ultimate form of Māori cultural expression - overview of a research programme

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    Death, observed through the process of tangihanga (time set aside to grieve and mourn, rites for the dead) or tangi (to grieve and mourn), is the ultimate form of Māori cultural expression. It is also the topic least studied by Māori or understood by outsiders, even after televised funeral rites of Māori leaders and intrusive media engagements with more humble family crises. It has prevailed as a cultural priority since earliest European contact, despite missionary and colonial impact and interference, and macabre Victorian fascination. Change is speculative rather than confirmed. Tangi and death rituals have yet to be rigorously examined in the Māori oral canon, or in the archival and historic record that may be discarded or reinforced by current practice. As researchers we are committed to studying tangi, conscious of the belief that such work carries the inherent risk of karanga aituā (inviting misfortune or even death itself) by drawing attention to it. Contemporary Aotearoa New Zealand is constantly touched by aspects of tangi practice through popular media and personal exposure. This volatile subject nevertheless demands careful and comprehensive scrutiny in order to extend and enrich the knowledge base, reveal the logic that guides ritual, inform the wider New Zealand community and, more importantly, support the cultural, social, ritual, economic and decision making processes of bereaved whānau (family, including extended family), people affiliated with marae (communal meeting complex) and iwi (tribe, tribal). This paper provides an overview of a research programme that began in July 2009, based at The University of Waikato. The programme is funded by Ngā Pae o te Māramatanga, the Marsden Fund of New Zealand and the Health Research Council of New Zealand

    He Māori, He Turi, He Turi, He Māori. Advancing the aspirations of Māori Deaf with their indigenous Connections: A case study

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    Indigenous peoples consider their connection to whenua (land), whakapapa (genealogy), te reo (language) and tikanga (cultural values) to be an integral part of their worldview (Mead, 2003 & Barlow, 1991). The identity struggle for indigenous minorities living within a colonised environment has been well documented (Bishop, 1995; Smith G, 1997; Smith L, 1999, & Walker, 2004). The controversies over land, customs, culture and language are major issues to understanding and maintaining one’s own cultural identity and, when considering the Deaf indigenous minorities, the task seems colossal. When a Māori individual belongs to the hearing majority, the ability to find a place to stand, a connection to one’s turangawaewae (standing place), whakapapa, and marae (village) can be a personal struggle; however, this can often be overcome through a shared experience, through communication at a whānau (family), hapū (sub tribe) and iwi (tribe) level. However, when the individual is part of a double minority such as the Māori Deaf community, the ability to engage and establish a relationship to enhance their connection to their turangawaewae, can become difficult due to the need to communicate in three different languages: English, Māori and Sign Language. These language issues can create barriers for the Deaf, Māori and hearing communities at a whānau, hapū and iwi level. This thesis examines a series of workshops created to advance the indigenous connections and understanding within the Māori Deaf community and Te Ao Māori (Māori worldview). It explores how the integration of the Deaf and hearing, indigenous Māori language and New Zealand Sign Language along with practical workshops can assist the aspirations of Māori Deaf within the advancement of Te Ao Māori and Te Reo Māori. Within this thesis I will undertake a series of interviews with participants who are at the forefront of the Māori Deaf community. A suggestion of moving forward to address the needs of the Māori Deaf community within the desire to connect to their Māori language and customs is also offered within this thesis.

    The appropriate use of Te Reo Maori in the names of new species discovered in Aotearoa New Zealand

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    Language is the key to understanding Ko te reo te taikura o te whakaao-mārama In this thesis I investigate the naming of new species that are being discovered in and around the waters of the coastline, across the vast landscape and in remote areas of Aotearoa New Zealand. These native species often endemic to Aotearoa New Zealand are often named with no reference to the native landscape and wear names that pay homage to or represent ancestors and traditions of another culture. Few of these species have been given scientific names that include Te Reo Māori and this study sought to explore why this was the case and how Te Reo Māori should be included in these names. This study investigated the background, methods and the knowledge associated with matauranga Māori and scientific naming protocols and how these could be incorporated into the naming of new species of Aotearoa New Zealand. Data were gathered from historical manuscripts that mention naming or classification of species in Aotearoa New Zealand, literature about classification, and eight interviews with people knowledgeable in the Māori and western scientific naming traditions of nomenclature and classification. The interview data was transcribed and analysed using these themes drawn both from the literature and the data. The study considered the rightful place of Māori knowledge and western scientific systems of naming new species, including the appropriate use of Te Reo Māori in a uniquely Aotearoa New Zealand way. My findings indicate that the practice of naming species in Aotearoa New Zealand by scientists is governed by international protocols and that any incorporation of Te Reo Māori varied, and this variation depended on individual researchers that have developed their own method of using Te Reo Māori in the names of new species. The findings indicate however that Te Reo Māori is of utmost importance to a Māori cultural context and must be used appropriately for the benefit of future generations of Māori. In my conclusions I acknowledge the two systems of biological classification and matauranga Māori and their historical importance in the classification of species in Aotearoa New Zealand and on the international stage. I also recommend a set of guidelines derived from the research findings on the appropriate use of Te Reo Māori in naming new species

    Reconnecting whānau: Pathways to recovery for Māori with bipolar disorder

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    While Māori are known to experience a higher burden of mental health and addiction problems compared to non-Māori (Baxter, 2008), little exploratory research has been conducted into Māori experiences of bipolar affective disorder. Bipolar disorder is at times regarded as a “life sentence”, with little hope of recovery. The recovery- focused mental health literature, however, argues wellness is achievable for even the most intractable conditions (Lapsley, Nikora, & Black, 2002; Mental Health Commission, 2001). The aim of this research was to gather information about the experiences of Māori who were diagnosed with bipolar affective disorder. Interviews were conducted with 22 Māori wāhine (women) and tāne (men), and using thematic analyses, themes relevant to their life stories were uncovered. This research sought to contribute to the realisation of Māori potential by explicitly shifting from deficit- focused frameworks to a focus on systemic factors that influenced Māori wellbeing. Highlights were that whānau (participants) who were connected with friends, partners and family were motivated to achieve wellness and to stay well

    Cloaked in Life and Death: Tangi and Taonga in a Contemporary Māori Whanau

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    This thesis is an examination of tangihanga (indigenous funerary practices) unique to the lived experience of the Māori of Aotearoa New Zealand, drawing on fieldwork undertaken amongst Māori, by a Māori. The introduction and influence of modern practices, ideologies, and articles of significance are considered, in the context of the ongoing traditions of tangihanga, a unique and critical collective occasion. This research navigates a tribally distinct journey by way of familial experiences of death in the Māori world. In particular, this work discusses and elucidates the select materials, objects and taonga (artefacts) observable during our funerary processes, as they engage the rubric of death, burial and initial mourning. Part I: speaks to theoretical and methodological aspects pertinent to the scope of the interdisciplinary work undertaken, and intellectually framed, by the disciplines of Anthropology and Tikanga Māori Cultural Studies. This includes participant observation fieldwork; death, ritual, liminality and oral traditions; the marae context; western and indigenous worldviews and epistemologies; as well as compositional mechanisms and tensions. Part II: addresses some logistics of tangihanga, and introduces key ethnohistoric and ethnographic reflexions, which lead into select participant interviews that act to inform the work. These provide the anthropological other voice, and explore realities and concepts which are at the same time distinct from, yet similar to, my own. Part III: relates five brief tangihanga narratives which present genealogically-inflected ethnographies of death, and facilitate discussions pertaining to the core focus of the thesis. Thereafter the substantive chapter material deliberates upon processes and experiences of the arrival of death in the Māori world, as we return to the marae and eventually embrace the final moments of closing the lid of the casket in preparation for interment. With time, we can see different, innovative ideas and practices being introduced as each new generation, with their respective priorities, subsequently metamorphose the complex rubric of tangihanga. For example, transnational Māori must find new ways to cope with tūpāpaku on foreign shores, and they can also be seen to introduce non-traditional elements when returning tūpāpaku home to Aotearoa. Concern regarding the dietary health of many Māori means we are more aware of the need to reduce fat, salt and sugar intakes, so on many marae meat is becoming leaner, whilst vegetarian and gluten free options are being increasingly considered. Also, premium wall space is diminishing as growing numbers of images arrive with the passing of kin members, so the likes of digital photo albums are being introduced; reflecting increasing new technologies on marae that also includes mobile phones, iPads, laptop computers and so forth. Change seems inevitable and change, in many forms, will continue to encroach on our cultural sensibilities and abodes. As older generations perpetuate age-old traditions, and younger generations acculturate new priorities, change is no longer on the horizon of our marae, but has arrived to affect tangihanga and marae practices. This said, the Māori remain pragmatic and resilient to the winds of change, and this study shows our ability to adapt, as and where need be, whilst also foreboding future generations be as adaptable and ready to change; at the same time as maintaining core cultural traditions and practices. In its most basic form this thesis shows that whilst it matters what clothes we dress our tūpāpaku in, the taonga displayed, the form of burial vessel chosen, mode of disposal and so forth, the rubric of tangihanga nonetheless prioritises the interests of Maori as a collective, communally sharing the complex logistics and burdens of death, as we celebrate a life lived, and lost, collectively. This research will primarily consider the use of tangible materials, objects, and artefacts observable in contemporary tangihanga experiences and question how modernising or secular ideologies have impacted funerary practices for 21st century Māori. Throughout the course of this research I also intend to look into: • What taonga, materials, and objects are observable at tangihanga and why? • Are these items deemed ritually symbolic, and if so how and why? • What is the familial and cultural relevance and significance of such items? • What (if any) values and ideologies do these items express, transpose and/or communicate? • What garments and or taonga are permitted (or not) to adorn the tūpāpaku? Why or why not? • Are all types of photographs and/or images permitted to be displayed, if so where, are there restrictions, and if so then what and why? • Does the immediate physical environment make any difference to the use of materials, objects and artefacts in funerary practices, and if so how and why? Twenty-first century Māori continue to hold fast to age-old traditions, at the same time as being flexible and adapting with changing times. This body of work considers aspects of our earlier funerary traditions, and discusses current traditions, before concluding with postulations regarding potential new practices. As Māori and Pākehā of Aotearoa NZ there is much we have yet to learn from each other, and still much more we might share with our other global contemporaries. Moe mai ra koutou i te moengaroa o te Ariki He tohu aroha tēnei mō koutou kato
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