1,284 research outputs found
Andreeva, T. (2012). "Prevalence of waterpipe smoking among university students in Russia and Ukraine is threatening."
No full text<p>Andreeva, T. (2012). "Prevalence of waterpipe smoking among university students in Russia and Ukraine is threatening." Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe 2(Supplement 1, 2nd conference 'Economics, sociology, theory and practice of public health'): s51.</p>
<p>BACKGROUND: Waterpipe smoking becomes a public health problem in countries where it is brought from the Middle East. The objective was to compare prevalence of waterpipe smoking among university students (WSAUS) in two countries of the former Soviet Union – Russia and Ukraine – with countries with traditional use of waterpipe and those where it has recently arisen. <br>METHODS: A systematic review of research of WSAUS was conducted with the use of PubMed. Survey of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy students (Kiev, Ukraine) was conducted in 2007-2009 and of Kazan medical university (Kazan, Russia) in 2010. <br>RESULTS: Nineteen studies of WSAUS were revealed. Daily WSAUS was only addresses in four studies and varied from about 1% in Lebanon and Pakistan to 7% in men in Syria. Prevalence of daily smoking in Russia (0.6%) did not exceed that. Current smoking varied greatly: 5.6-35.0% for all, 14.6-49.6% for males, 4.9-20.2% for females. Last week WSAUS varied from 3.3% in Pakistan to 9.3 in Lebanon. Measurements in Russia (3.5%) fall into this interval. Last month WSAUS varied from 9.5% to 20% in Iran, Pakistan, and USA with 13-14% measured in Russia and Ukraine. Last year WSAUS was between 18.7% in Pakistan and 30.6% in USA. Measurements in Kiev (39.7%) and Kazan (52.3%) were much higher. Ever smoking of waterpipe was 37.9% in UK, 53.6% in Pakistan, and somewhat higher in Russia and Ukraine. <br>CONCLUSIONS: Comparison of period prevalence indicators in selected universities of Ukraine and Russia shows that daily, weekly, monthly prevalence indicators are similar to those in countries with traditional use of waterpipe. Last year and life time smoking indicators in Russia and Ukraine are higher than those in countries with traditional and newly established waterpipe use. To measure prevalence of waterpipe smoking questions with clearly specified time spans (day, week, month, year, lifetime) are needed. <br>KEYWORDS: smoking, waterpipe, university students, prevalence, Russia, Ukraine.</p
Andreeva T (2012) New Public Health research in Ukraine and other countries
No full text<p>Andreeva T (2012) New Public Health research in Ukraine and other countries. Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe 2 (Supplement 1, 2nd conference 'Economics, sociology, theory and practice of public health'):s1-4. doi:10.6084/m9.figshare.92849</p>
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<p>New Public Health research in Ukraine and other countries</p>
<p>Tatiana Andreeva</p>
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<p>Новые исследования в области общественного здоровья в Украине и других странах</p>
<p>АндрееваТатьянаИльинична</p>
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<p>Нові дослідження у галузі громадського здоров’я в Україні та інших країнах </p>
<p>Андрєєва Тетяна Іллівна</p>
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<p>This issue of the journal Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe (TCPHEE) covers studies presented at the Second conference ‘Economics, Sociology, Theory, and Practice of Public Health’. Compared to the content of the same conference last year (Andreeva 2011), in 2012, wider range of participants took part in the conference, both geographically and institutionally.</p>
<p>The presented materials are partly concentrated around particular health outcomes, including mortality (Krasovsky 2012; Tigova et al. 2012), some diseases, mostly infectious ones, such as tuberculosis (Baranovska and Doroshenko 2012; Besieda and Semigina 2012) and HIV-infection (Dumchev et al. 2012; Klymenko and Semigina 2012; Shulga 2012; Vasylyeva et al. 2012b; Zhabenko and Zhabenko 2012) and some of the non-communicable diseases including diabetes (Bondarenko and Danyliv 2012) and cancers (Fomenko and Stepurko 2012; Khryshchuk 2012).</p>
<p>The presented studies also discuss those determinants of health which contribute to the existing disease burden including structural factors on macro-level related to health policies (Besieda and Semigina 2012; Klymenko and Semigina 2012; Krasovsky 2012; Semigina 2012; Tigova et al. 2012) and health systems (Akbirov 2012; Fomenko and Stepurko 2012; Melnyk et al. 2012; Raminashvili et al. 2012; Salo and Yakovlev 2012b, a; Zenchenko et al. 2012; Kozlova and Gryga 2012). Two papers are devoted to the attitudes and perceptions of health workers in particular (Kozlova and Gryga 2012; Zhabenko and Zhabenko 2012). One study has analyzed the quality of reported clinical trials of a particular group of medicines (Akbirov 2012). Three studies are related to the reforms of health systems (Raminashvili et al. 2012; Salo and Yakovlev 2012b, a). Four studies are related to payments and other financial issues (Baranovska and Doroshenko 2012; Bondarenko and Danyliv 2012; Fomenko and Stepurko 2012; Melnyk et al. 2012).</p>
<p>Another group of studies focuses on individual determinants of health including such health-related behaviors as eating (Chagarna and Andreeva 2012b, a; Pravosud et al. 2012) and use of alcohol, with two studies devoted to familial factors of alcohol use (Iakunchykova et al. 2012a; Kulagina et al. 2012) and two to economic mechanisms behind the changes in alcohol consumption (Krasovsky 2012; Tigova et al. 2012). Studies related to tobacco consider developmental factors of smoking initiation (Iakunchykova et al. 2012b), waterpipe smoking by university students in different countries (Andreeva 2012a), compliance with smoke-free policies requirements in catering facilities (Durneva et al. 2012), and issues of smoking prevalence measurements (Andreeva 2012b). Presented studies on injection drug use cover measurement of the extent and change in risky behaviors and their prerequisites (Dumchev et al. 2012; Shulga 2012; Tokar and Andreeva 2012; Vasylyeva and Andreeva 2012) as well as potential programs and policies aimed to impact these behaviors (Dvinskykh et al. 2012; Vasylyeva et al. 2012a). Two studies in this issue are related to the use of condoms (Barska 2012; Savchuk and Barska 2012).</p>
<p>The editors hope that next year conference will involve yet wider group of participants and current authors will succeed in advancing their studies further on.</p
Andreeva T (2012) Surveys used to assess the population health and to inform healthy public policy: challenges for research in poor countries
No full text<h3>Andreeva T (2012) Surveys used to assess the population health and to inform healthy public policy: challenges for research in poor countries. Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe 2 (1):1-4. doi:10.6084/m9.figshare.92913</h3>
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<h3>Editorial</h3>
<p><a href="http://andreevin.narod.ru/journal/2012/01/TCPHEE_02_01_00_editorial.pdf">Surveys used to assess the population health and to inform healthy public policy: challenges for research in poor countries</a><br><em>Tatiana Andreeva</em></p>
<blockquote>Extract<br><br>In this editorial note, I would like to attract the readers’ attention to the particular challenges researchers in poor countries face as reflected in the results of population surveys in these countries and illustrated by the papers in this issue. I also hope to invite the readers to the debate about the possible solutions for these typical problems and to share my understanding of the input that TCPHEE journal intends to make in order to overcome the ‘social disparity gap’ between public health researchers in rich and poor countries. In addressing these issues I face the dilemma of choosing between too much explanation for the advanced researchers and too little for the novice ones, but I hope that headings will help the reader to decide where to read and what to skip. <br><br>KEY WORDS: surveys; surveillance; low and middle income countries; LMIC; descriptive results; analytic studies; self-reported data; informing policy decisions; healthy public policy; study design. <br><br><a href="http://andreevin.narod.ru/journal/2012/01/TCPHEE_02_01_00_editorial.pdf" target="_blank">Full text (pdf) in English</a></blockquote
Chagarna N, Andreeva T (2012) Legislative background of food and nutrition policy in Ukraine
No full text<p>Chagarna N, Andreeva T (2012) Legislative background of food and nutrition policy in Ukraine Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe 2 (Supplement 1, 2nd conference 'Economics, sociology, theory and practice of public health'):s41.</p>
<h3>Conference abstract</h3>
<p>Legislative background of food and nutrition policy in Ukraine <br><em>Chagarna, Natalia; Andreeva, Tatiana </em></p>
<p>BACKGROUND: The importance of effective policy aimed at improving nutrition practices is highly recognized by the global community. <br>METHODS: Analysis of Ukrainian legislative documents was conducted to clarify the situation in the field of policy initiatives and legislation devoted to nutrition in Ukraine. Documents in force adopted from 1991 to 2011 including key words “nutrition”, “health”, “concept”, and “food products” were reviewed. <br>RESULTS: We reviewed 55 legislative acts related to nutrition and identified several groups: 18 documents are related to organization of supply, regimen, norms of nutrition in state establishments or for special populations; 12 documents related to economic and technological regulation of food preparation, quality control and distribution; 3 documents regulating nutritious and safety norms of food products for children under 3 years; 14 documents aimed to control food safety, quality and accessibility; 6 other documents partly referred to nutrition, including 4 Concepts of healthy lifestyles. Some of the principles of healthy eating are declared in the “Concept of improving food security and quality of nutrition of the population” approved by the Cabinet of Ministers in 2004. Principles of maintaining breastfeeding, activities aimed to reduce iodine deficiency among population as well as school educational program “Foundations of health” were those few governmental activities, which supported some of the ideas declared in the Concept. <br>CONCLUSION: Great attention of policymakers is paid to regulation of production, distribution of food, its quality control, affordability of products for special population groups, especially children. Not much attention is devoted in the official documents to creating and maintaining the healthy eating practices of the population. Mechanisms aimed to form healthy eating practices are not specified in the legislative documents. No regulatory documents to implement these principles were found. The existing regulatory documents do not fully reflect global trends and practices for healthy eating. <br>KEYWORDS: healthy eating, nutrition policy.</p>
<p><a href="http://andreevin.narod.ru/journal/2012/s1/41.pdf" target="_blank">Abstract (pdf) in English</a></p
A semiotic analysis of the short stories of Leonid Andreyev, 1900-1909
Get PDFThis thesis applies the techniques of semiotic analysis to a selection of short stories by Leonid Andreyev in an attempt to offer one answer to the problems of categorising Andreyev's unique art and placing it within a literary-evolutionary perspective. The semiotic method was chosen because of its ability both to assimilate literary texts to the supra-individual processes with which it works, and at the same time to delineate an author's particular contribution to these processes. Drawing on a range of literary theory from early Russian Formalism onwards, the study proceeds from one level to another according to a principle of "degree of abstraction", so that each level constitutes firstly an independent account of Andreyev's texts in itself, and secondly one stage in an overall analysis. The analysis at each level pinpoints, in its own terms, a series of semiotic tensions or clashes as being at the heart of Andreyev's literary system. Conflict within his stories between the principles of poetry and prose, metaphor and metonymy, 'discourse' and 'story' and between codes of allegory and codes of reference are among the major tensions highlighted. These tensions are in turn used to account for the fantastic element in Andreyev's stories (tension and ambiguity being the key features of Fantastic literature as defined by many literary theoreticians).The unique, Andreyevan version of the Fantastic is viewed as an index of Andreyev's position in literary evolution at a point of transition between an older, authoritative, transitive mode of narration and a more recent, non-authoritative mode which has come to dominate much twentieth-century literature. The final reference-point for all these tensions is demonstrated to be a shift in modern culture as a whole towards a more impersonal. Mythic thought-system, a shift at the centre of which the art of Leonid Andreyev can be convincingly placed. The material drawn upon includes, in addition to the corpus of Andreyev stories specified, a wide range of works by Andreyev's contemporaries and also the hitherto unexploited draft-manuscripts to a number of Andreyev stories held in the Hoover Institution, U.S.A.A Glossary of the most commonly used theoretical terms is provided at the end of the study
Andreeva, T. I. (2014). Public health in a rapidly changing world.
No full text<p>Andreeva, T. I. (2014). Public health in a rapidly changing world. Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe, 4(1), 1-3. doi: 10.6084/m9.figshare.1064369</p>
<p>Several months in 2013 and 2014 have been a hardly predictable time in Ukraine, and the situation is still far from being stable. This made the editorial team of TCPHEE based in Ukraine postpone publishing consecutive issues. However, while the situation still requires practical steps, many aspects including those related to public health require analysis and debate. Thus we invite opinion pieces and studies addressing all different spheres of how public health should function under changing social circumstances. There might be a wide range of such related topics.</p>
<p>The most obvious ones are those linked to changing living conditions. Many studies have been undertaken and published with regard to health threats to refugees, people involved in natural or technical disasters (Noji, 2005). Along with environmental health threats, there might be mental health disturbances (World Health Organization, 1992) resulting from long-term strain, losses et cetera.</p>
<p>Another important focus is related to changes in health services provision. Crimea, which is a former Ukrainian territory now occupied by the Russian Federation, was among those in Ukraine highly affected with HIV (Dehne, Khodakevich, Hamers, & Schwartlander, 1999). This was responded by several NGOs actively providing harm reduction services to high-risk groups along with methadone substitution therapy to opiate users and antiretroviral medicines to those HIV-infected (Curtis, 2010). However, there are news reports that Russia is going to stop provision of methadone (kommersant.ru, 2014). As opiate substitution programs have been shown an effective approach towards preventing HIV transmission among people who inject drugs (MacArthur et al., 2012), such change in public health policies might affect not only most at risk populations but their partners and population as a whole as well resulting in a rapid spread of HIV.</p>
<p>Yet another related topic is that of how health services can be organized at times of social upheavals. Health service of Maidan, though has already attracted much attention (Yasynska, February 7, 2014), should probably become a focus of more scrutiny as an example of volunteer labor force and resources involvement.</p>
<p>However, a wide range of even more difficult issues is to be addressed once life comes to some order after the power transfer to those people who were in favor of the changes. Some models have long been known and just required practical implementation - including those related to preventive medicine and primary health care, to mention just two established internationally as a must of health care several decades ago but still not fully in place in Ukraine. Nevertheless, as these models could not be properly implemented for many years in line, this might derive from the obstacles pertaining to either how health workers are educated or how the system is regulated.</p>
<p>Considering the best intentions of people who aimed, as opposed to the bygone authorities, to work for the benefit of their compatriots, we may assume that they would be willing to implement the ideas and technologies with proven ability to improve health and well-being of people. Yet, implementation of evidence-based approaches might be deemed slow and boring in comparison to heroic happenings and populist slogans of the power transfer. What are the tipping points to achieve changes in how people think and work in order to open doors for the best practices elaborated elsewhere along with trial-based implementation of new ideas arising on the spot? Though diffusion of innovation (Rogers, 1962) is a well-known model that describes the process, what could be made to facilitate it?</p>
<p>If evidence-based and benefit-aimed technologies are to be brought into deployment, obviously good surveillance systems (Klaucke et al., 1988) become inexorably needed. Yet, overall they are costly and difficult to justify in a poor country. What is an appropriate way of their step by step implementation which allows quick display of payoffs and cost-effective use with the impact on the ways people think and act?</p>
<p>Yet, the opposite side of the same story, those pieces of surveillance which are already in place are very unlikely to be properly used. Even those favorable trends in national statistics which showed years of declining mortality (Polischuk, Krasovsky, & Andreeva, 2009) and could be presented by ruling politicians as a sign of their successes, is neglected. This certainly does not mean that surveillance is not needed, but this is still the need to be felt and the tool to be understood and learnt.</p>
<p>Many models considered normal and well-developed within the public health in the West are still beyond proper understanding of most health professionals in Ukraine, and probably other countries which resemble it in some features. An important achievement of Maidan was the feeling of community, the ability to self-organize in order to solve arising issues. While 'community' was a hardly definable entity in most countries deriving from the former Soviet Union, it now becomes tangible how people can be together and act together. This gives opportunities to address issues of 'community health,' which was never perceived a realistic construct before. How communities live and act, how they might interact with health policies and health determinants at different levels, how to diagnose and understand them is still another large area that was never studied or taught in a country we come from.</p>
<p>Moving towards Europe, as Ukraine strives now, requires crucial changes in many spheres of life. What are the known rules for these changes to happen? What are the hypothetical predictors of these changes to be successful? What are the additional factors yet to be explored and taken into account? Your knowledge, ideas and guesses are welcome!</p
Vasylyeva T, Andreeva T (2012) Proportion of long-term injection drug users as an indicator to characterize the state and prognosis of HIV-epidemic within a certain territory.
No full text<p>Vasylyeva T, Andreeva T (2012) Proportion of long-term injection drug users as an indicator to characterize the state and prognosis of HIV-epidemic within a certain territory. Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe 2 (Supplement 1, 2nd conference 'Economics, sociology, theory and practice of public health'):s62-s63</p>
<p>BACKGROUND: Epidemics of drug use and thus the spread of HIV have different duration in different regions, and, therefore, the prognosis of these epidemics may differ. We aimed to assess indicators measuring the peculiarities of injection drug use epidemics by region, informative for prevention activities among vulnerable to HIV groups. </p>
<p>METHODS: Data from cross-sectional survey of 4026 injection drug users (IDUs) conducted in 2007 in Ukraine were analyzed. The outcome measure was a binary variable depicting whether a respondent injects drugs for 20 years and over. Binary Logistic Regression in SPSS software was used to test associations with socio-demographic characteristics. </p>
<p>RESULTS: More respondents from Odessa, Mykolayiv, Dnipropetrovsk, Cherkassy, Poltava, and Crimea regions inject over 20 years. Older respondents were more likely to belong to the group of long-term users. Men were more likely to inject over 20 years than women. Those respondents who were married, but did not live with their spouse or other sexual partner were more likely to inject longer than 20 years compared to those single or in a stable marriage. Those respondents who use opiates or combine them with stimulants were more likely to inject over 20 years and those who use only stimulants were more likely to inject less than 20 years. </p>
<p>CONCLUSION: Injection drug use in Ukraine started earlier among men, on certain territories and was associated with opiate use. Percentage of IDUs who inject for more than 20 years was found to be a good indicator to distinguish territories with long-lasting epidemics.</p
Andreeva, T. I. (2013). Explanatory models of health and disease: surprises from within the former Soviet Union
No full text<p>Andreeva, T. I. (2013). Explanatory models of health and disease: surprises from within the former Soviet Union. Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe, 3(1), 57-58. doi: 10.6084/m9.figshare.735775</p>
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<p>Explanatory models of health and disease: surprises from within the former Soviet Union<br>Tatiana I Andreeva<br>Модели, объясняющие здоровье и болезни: неожиданности при взгляде изнутри бывшего Советского Союза<br>Татьяна Андреева<br>The review of anthropological theories as applied to public health by Jennifer J. Carroll (Carroll, 2013) published in this issue of TCPHEE made me recollect my first and most surprising discoveries of how differently same things can be understood in different parts of the world. Probably less unexpectedly, these impressions concern substance abuse and addiction behaviors, similarly to many examples deployed by Jennifer J. Carroll.<br>The first of these events happened soon after the break-up of the Soviet Union when some of the most active people from the West rushed to discover what was going on behind the opening iron curtain. A director of an addiction clinic, who had just come into contact with a Dutch counterpart, invited me to join the collaboration and the innovation process he planned to launch. Being a participant of the exchange program started within this collaboration, I had an opportunity to discover how addictive behaviors were understood and explained in books (English, 1961; Kooyman, 1992; Viorst, 1986) recommended by the colleagues in the Netherlands and, as I could observe with my own eyes, addressed in everyday practice. This was a jaw-dropping contrast to what I learnt at the soviet medical university and some post-graduate courses, where all the diseases related to alcohol, tobacco, or drug abuse were considered predominantly a result of the substance intake. In the Soviet discourse, the intake itself was understood as 'willful and deliberate' or immoral behavior which, in some cases, was to be rectified in prison-like treatment facilities. In the West, quite oppositely, substance abuse was seen rather as a consequence of a constellation of life-course adversities thoroughly considered by developmental psychology. This approach was obviously deeply ingrained in how practitioners diagnosed and treated their patients.<br>The second example and surprise of how important the explanatory models were was related to practice of tobacco control where media work is an established tool of proper communication and achieving advocacy goals. New insights closely related to those mentioned above came from papers by Michael Pertschuk and the Advocacy Institute (Pertschuk, 1988, 2001). The crucial idea of 'Framing the issue' was deeply rooted in distinguishing three approached to how smoking (along with other health problems) could be understood and presented to the public. The first one framed smoking as a problem behavior per se (which usually leads to blaming the victim similarly to how it happens with alcohol and drug users). The second and a less blaming was the frame of medical consideration. All people who used legal or illegal drugs were, from this point of view, doing so not because being immoral, but because having a biological defect - a chemical dependence. While this medicalization approach allowed exonerating the victims, it did not suggest a real way out. The third frame suggested taking into account the environmental factors which predetermine smoking (or other behavior) and formation of dependence. These factors included both the efforts of the tobacco industry to hook consumers and efforts of the state/government/society to protect its members from initiating and establishing addictive behaviors.<br>This was really an eye-opening experience as most, if not all public health problems could since be seen and presented as not just 'problems' but those accompanied by underlying causes and comprehensible solutions.<br>My third insight related to the previous two and the one consolidating them happened when I started teaching Health Promotion, which begins with the recognition of how differently health and health problems can be approached, namely as biomedical, behavioral, and socio-environmental issues (Promoting Health: Intervention Strategies from Social and Behavioral Research, 2000; Sheinfeld-Gorin & Arnold, 2008; Tones & Tilford, 2001). This understanding of different levels of causes that do not exclude one another but rather show them as proximal and distant ones is an essential idea found in social epidemiology (Oakes & Kaufman, 2006) which provides an additional way of looking at these differing discourses.<br>This example of different explanatory models applied to same health problems with emphasis on either proximal causes or on seeking distal causes of causes which results in different intervention strategies is just one illustration of how important theoretical framework may be. Other examples of contrasting paradigms that dominated in the former Soviet Union and in Western countries may include existence in the medical practice of certain pathologies, which are not recognized as such in other societies. Representatives of different specialties within the health science and practice may be aware of different similar examples, and their participation in the debate is welcome.<br>Obviously, integration cannot be fully achieved without verbalizing the paradigms behind the existing beliefs and without the reconceptualizing emphasized in the review. Some of the theories provide tools for such paradigm analysis. Unsuccessful efforts of health system reforms may result from the introjection of foreign concepts without real digesting, i.e. understanding their elements and following back to their roots.<br>About the author<br>Tatiana I Andreeva is affiliated with the School of Public Health, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy.<br>Email: [email protected]<br>This paper was internally reviewed; submitted June 26, 2013, published June 29, 2013.<br>The author declares no competing interests.<br>References<br>Carroll, J. J. (2013). Key Theories from Critical Medical Anthropology for Public Health Research. Part I: Starting with Foucault: cultures of medicine and meanings of illness. Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe, 3(1), 39-46. doi: 10.6084/m9.figshare.729258<br>English, H. B. (1961). Dynamics of child development: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.<br>Kooyman, M. (1992). The therapeutic community for addicts: intimacy, parent involvment and treatment outcome: Erasmus University Rotterdam.<br>Oakes, J. M., & Kaufman, J. S. (2006). Methods in Social Epidemiology: Wiley.<br>Pertschuk, M. (1988). Smoking control: Media advocacy guidelines: Washington, DC: Advocacy Institute for the National Cancer Institute, National Institutes of Health.<br>Pertschuk, M. (2001). Smoke in their eyes: lessons in movement leadership from the tobacco wars: Vanderbilt University Press.<br>Promoting Health: Intervention Strategies from Social and Behavioral Research. (2000). (B. D. Smedley & S. L. Syme Eds.): National Academies Press.<br>Sheinfeld-Gorin, S., & Arnold, J. (2008). Health Promotion in Practice: Wiley.<br>Tones, K., & Tilford, S. (2001). Health Promotion: Effectiveness, Efficiency and Equity: Nelson Thornes.<br>Viorst, J. (1986). Necessary losses: the loves, illusions, dependencies, and impossible expectations that all of us have to give up in order to grow: Ballantine Books.</p>
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Tokar A, Andreeva T (2012) Estimate of the extent of opiate overdose in Ukraine.
No full text<p>Tokar A, Andreeva T (2012) Estimate of the extent of opiate overdose in Ukraine. Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe 2 (Supplement 1, 2nd conference 'Economics, sociology, theory and practice of public health'):s57-s58</p>
<p>BACKGROUND: Overdose is known to be among leading causes of death in injection drug users (IDUs). However, there is no official statistics in Ukraine with regard to both fatal and nonfatal overdose. We aimed to estimate the scope of the problem and level of provided help to those who have suffered overdose.</p>
<p>METHODS: Data from bio-behavioral survey conducted among IDUs in 2007 (N=8575) with general questions about having experienced overdose and specialized survey among participants of overdose prevention and response program conducted in 2010 (N=2821) were considered. The specialized survey inquired personal experience of overdose and received help, witnessing overdose in others and providing help. Data triangulation was used to estimate the scope of the problem.</p>
<p>RESULTS: Among the participants of the specialized survey, 1918 witnessed overdoses and 550 of them said that help was delivered late. Thus, up to 29% of overdoses could be fatal.</p>
<p>According to the results of the bio-behavioral survey, 35-37% of self-prepared opiates users have ever experienced overdose, while among all IDUs current opiate users constitute 53% and 80% are ever users. Among the participants of the specialized survey, a larger proportion are current opiate users (73%), and 70% have ever suffered overdose with 19% within the last six months. Of 1201 opiate overdoses reported by the participants of the specialized survey, 179 have reported to have received specific treatment with naloxone which constitutes 15%. </p>
<p>With estimated number of IDUs in Ukraine around 300 thousand, this makes 159 thousand opiate users, 57 thousand those who have ever suffered overdose and 15 thousand those who suffered overdose within last six months. Of these, 4 thousand could have died and 2 thousand could have received specific treatment with naloxone.</p>
<p>CONCLUSION: We estimate that 30 thousand nonfatal and 8 thousand fatal overdoses may happen in Ukraine per year. </p
Iakunchykova O, Andreeva T, Hryhorczuk D, Shkiryak-Nizhnyk Z, Zvinchuk A, Chislovska N, Antipkin Y (2012) Alcohol drinking by parents and risk of alcohol abuse by adolescents.
No full text<p>Iakunchykova O, Andreeva T, Hryhorczuk D, Shkiryak-Nizhnyk Z, Zvinchuk A, Chislovska N, Antipkin Y (2012) Alcohol drinking by parents and risk of alcohol abuse by adolescents. Tobacco Control and Public Health in Eastern Europe 2 (Supplement 1, 2nd conference 'Economics, sociology, theory and practice of public health'):s45</p>
<p>OBJECTIVE(S): To investigate associations between alcohol drinking by parents at different time of their life and alcohol use by adolescents.</p>
<p>DESIGN: The longitudinal epidemiological study design was used to answer the proposed research questions. This study is based on the data of the Family and Children of Ukraine Study (FCOU), which is a prospective cohort study of women and children. </p>
<p>PARTICIPANTS: Recruited subjects were pregnant women with last menstrual period (LMP) between 25 December 1992 and 23 July 1994. Self-completed questionnaires and the medical record data were collected at the first antenatal clinic visit and at the delivery. The sample in the city of Dniprodzerzhynsk consists of 2148 women, their children and partners (if any), but at 15-17-years-old follow-up only data about 1020 participants were available. </p>
<p>MAIN EXPOSURES: Use of alcohol by mother/father before pregnancy, during pregnancy, and at 15-17 years of child’s age.</p>
<p>OUTCOME MEASURE: Use of alcohol by 15-17-year-old adolescent.</p>
<p>RESULTS: Use of alcohol more than once a week by mother before pregnancy was associated with alcohol abuse by adolescents, unlike father’s use of alcohol before and during pregnancy. Use of alcohol both by mother and father during adolescence of their offspring was strongly associated with alcohol abuse by the child. In the multivariate analysis only alcohol use by mother during adolescence of the child was significantly associated with alcohol use by the adolescent.</p>
<p>CONCLUSIONS: This study supports the hypothesis that concurrent social factors influence regular alcohol use among adolescents more intensively than early life factors.</p
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