941 research outputs found
A Fair Trial: Are Indigents Charged with Misdemeanors Entitled to Court Appointed Counsel?
No full text
Fascism in East Anglia : the British Union of Fascists in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex, 1933-1940
No full textThis thesis examines five key issues relating to the emergence and development of the British Union of Fascists in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex between 1933 and 1940. Firstly, it provides an analytical account of the B. U. F.'s involvement in the East Anglian `tithe war' during 1933-1934, which pays particular attention to fascist motivation, the extent of Blackshirt anti-tithe activism, and the various constraints limiting the impact of the Mosleyite interventionist strategy. Secondly, the B. U. F. 's anti-war policy and the government's implementation of Defence Regulation 18B (IA) are discussed in a regional context. Evidence from the three counties is used to give qualified endorsement to revisionist arguments, which maintain that the Blackshirt Peace Campaign boosted recruitment and attracted disaffected pro-appeasement middle class Tories. Reasons are also put forward to explain why the 18B round-up of B. U. F. adherents in eastern England proceeded in such an inconsistent manner. Thirdly, the size and social characteristics of the local Blackshirt support base are investigated. Approximate recruitment levels for active and non-active members in Norfolk, Suffolk and provincial Essex between 1934 and late 1938 are calculated, and detailed analysis of a sample of 230 Mosleyites from the area affords a valuable insight into the social class and occupational structure of the local movement. Fourthly, this thesis considers the protean nature of the B. U. F. 's appeal from both a `regional ' and `national' perspective by consulting the oral and written testimonies of 22 `East Anglian' and 75
other Blackshirt adherents. Finally, the various external and internal factors hampering the B. U. F. 's progress in
the three counties are discussed within the framework of a
conjunctural model of fascist political success. A number of
key constraints, including unfavourable socio-economic conditions, a lack of `political space', internal
deficiencies and state management of domestic fascism, marginalised the local Blackshirt movement
The construction of Hadrian's Wall
No full textEThOS - Electronic Theses Online ServiceGBUnited Kingdo
What did I say? versus What did I think?: Attributing false beliefs to self amongst children with and without autism.
No full textThe task used most widely to assess recognition of false belief in self and others is the ‘Smarties’ unexpected contents task. Amongst individuals with and without autism, the Self and Other-person test questions of this task are of an equivalent level of difficulty. However, a potential confound with this task may allow the Self test question to be passed without false belief competence. Three groups of participants (with autism, developmental disability and typical development) undertook a new unexpected contents task which did not suffer from this confound. The main finding was that participants with autism performed significantly less well on the Self test question than the Other-person test question on this new task. Individuals with autism may have greater difficulty representing their own beliefs than the beliefs of other people
The role of women in the fur trade society of the Canadian west 1700-1850.
No full textPhDThis thesis traces the evolution of the role played by
Indian, mixed-blood and white women in the development of
fur trade society in western Canada from about 1700 to 1850.
The importance of the role played by women in the fur trade
has been generally overlooked by historians of the subject
but such a study provides many insights into the complex
interaction which took place between European and Indian as
a result of this enterprise.
The men of both the Hudson's Bay and North West Companies
formed liaisons with women from the various tribes of western
Canada. In the English company, these unions were formed
in spite of official rulings to the contrary, whereas the
Canadian company actively encouraged unions between its
servants and Indian women. Such alliances served to cement
trade ties. Indian women performed a variety of important
economic tasks vital to the functioning of the fur trade
besides fulfilling the role of wife and mother left void by
the absence of white women.
Eventually, however, the Indian wife was to become a
source of friction rather than an effective liaison between
Indian and white, and by the early nineteenth century, her
place was being taken by a growing number of mixed-blood women.
The very child of the fur trade, the mixed-blood woman's dual
heritage gave her the ideal qualifications for a fur trader's
wife. It is significant that marriages contracted A la façon
du pays during this period showed a marked tendency to become
permanent unions.
After the union of the two companies in 1821, however,
the position of native women in fur trade society was
threatened by two outside forces--the missionaries and white
women. While the missionaries' attack on fur trade morality
was to lead to a good deal of cultural dislocation, the coming
of white women presented a potent threat to the prominence
of mixed-blood women in fur trade society. The resulting
development of social and racial tension between these two
groups of women was to erupt in a divisive scandal in Red
River in 1850, which symbolized the increasing ascendancy
of white women in western Canadian societ
Did tariffs stifle Spanish agriculture before 1936?
No full textThis paper challenges the widely held view that tariff protection was the major factor in explaining the poor performance of Spanish agriculture in the half century prior to the 1936 Civil War. After examining the general level of tariffs, it is argued that these were not sufficient in themselves to explain either the poor diets or weak demand for manufactured goods. Secondly, farmers were slow to switch resources out of cereals, not so much because of the tariffs, but rather because of the limited export opportunities for alternative crops, especially olive oil and wine. Finally, the evidence suggests that those areas which saw a significant increase in the area of cereals were just as likely to see a decline in the agricultural population as those that did not, suggesting that the rural exodus was determined by factors other than the tariff.Publicad
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