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Texts and Methods of Contemporary Political Psychology: a Literature Review
No full text本文瀏覽美國政治心理學課堂所採用的課本。在早期，這些讀本不是專門為大學生所寫的，而是知名學者的論著。從一九七○年代開始，政治心理學已經更常出現在大學的授課計劃之中，則以大學生為對象的教材便應運而生。這些教材的範圍與方法迥異，好像是在講不同課目，但有一點共通的，就是所討論的不出一般人對心理學的印象，則名之為政治心理學當然就不為過。八○年代以後通用的政治心理學教材仍然不多。但九○年代初期卻是一個雨後春筍的季節，以大學生為對象的課本紛紛出籠。一九九○年前後應該是美國政治心理學界的一個轉掠年，縱使九○年代的教材內容依舊各說各話，但輪廓逐漸浮現，大致可以分為兩個支流。一個是以人格、精神分析、深層心理為主，另一個是以認知、知覺、情感為主。最後，本文整理了幾種常見的政治心理分析法。This paper reviews English undergraduate textbooks for the course of political psychology. These texts do not share one common scope or research method, suggesting the embarrassment of declaring political psychology being a field of research. Early texts are generally related to authoritarian personality. Their quality is not balanced and sometimes even testifies to the dim prospect for political psychology as a professional subject of study. After the 1990, new texts began to introduce recent findings in cognitive psychology. In the past decade, two streams of text writing emerge, that is, psychoanalytical texts and cognitive texts, and they are more suitable for the undergraduate to read. This paper ends with the introduction of a number of methods commonly seen in political psychology research
Conceiving a New Feminism/Nationalism: Mothering in Timberlake Wertenbaker's The Break of Day
No full text本文擬探討英國女劇作家渥騰貝克之《破曉》(1995)中的現代女性生育議題。第一部份陳述當年劇評家批評兩位中年女性主義者選擇生育／母職是對女性主義的背叛。第二部份指出渥騰貝克透過這樣的選擇，重新檢視向來被女性主義者排斥和否定的母親身分。第三部份論述跨國認養如何凸顯在全球化時代個人及國家主體的轉化，同時抨擊柴契爾政權下的國家霸權主義。結論則呈現《破曉》中的期待，在邁入二十一世紀時，女性在身分建構上更具自主權，國家、民族能包容異己、平等相待。This essay investigates the issue of mothering in Timberlake Wertenbaker's The Break of Day (1995). The first part states how the desire of mothering was dismissed by critics as a backlash against feminism. The second part argues that, by dramatizing the maternal drive, Wertenbaker calls for a re-examination of the problematic of mothering. The third part points out that with the cross-border adoption Wertenbaker addresses the formations and transformations of individual and national identities in the era of globalization on the one hand, and on the other attacks the hegemonic Britain under the Thatcher government. The essay concludes that The Break of Day offers a better future in which women can have greater control over their bodies and races can enjoy greater equality
Dependent Nationalism: The People and Territory in the Chinese Inward Defense
No full text人民代表大會通過的國防法，會在外界引起爭議，多半是不符合一般國家體制的規範，明文界定國家軍隊對自己人民進行軍事行動的法源，但深明近代中國歷史發展的人都應了解，這種向內的國防，正是中國人在文化、宗教方面西化未完全，但卻接受了西方國家的體制，因此而生出的焦慮與沮喪所促成的特殊風格。更何況，西洋國家體制下並非真是槍口一致對外，而是彼等對內的國防具有較大的隱藏性而已。西洋國家體制之內的顛覆因子，是國家建立之後進行殖民主義才引進的，因比較容易區隔，其中沒有出現母國人民的自恨，只有不同種族與階級之間的對立。中國與其它後殖民國家在建國之前，就經經與帝國主義無所不在的文化工程相接觸，故並不存在絕對本土的領導菁英，則無論反封邁或反揥，難免都是在針對自己內在的若干部分進行反抗。 既然是針對自己，就不可能完全受制於領土疆域，而這偏偏又被當代國家體制視為是不理性的行為，而以為中國人的國防對內行使鎮壓，對外溢出疆域，其目的又不像美國那樣，以以維護某個其它家的疆域，受其邀請而前往干預的，於是就容易變成其他國家，尤其是美，看成是未來改變國際版圖現伏的主要威脅來洲。而這種美人對中國人想當然耳的定位，在中國人那種依賴性民族主義的角度解讀之下，當然就構成令人不安的反華行徑，則國防體系中的人，一來被迫檢視內部是否有人受蠱惑，二來急於尋求帝國鋹義同路人為對象，並打擊之以展現民族振興，從而更被西方看成為一個錍脅的主要來源。如此惡性循環形成，厥為國防。The National Defense Act passed by the National People's congress of March 1997 may well cause controversy due to its incompatibility with norms of Western sovereign states. Indeed Chinese national defense is inward defense to the extent that it aims to prevent a harmonious social being from splitting. From a postcolonial perspective, I believe that the hybrid influences in the Chinese public consciousness have cause enormous anxiety among Chinese leaders. Since the enemy resides within, it is impossible to speak strictly of territorially oriented national defense. It is impossible to speak strictly of territorially oriented national defense. Inward defense is nevertheless considered so undemocratic that it defeats the purpose of having sovereignty to protect citizens from external threat. However, inward defense exists in all states albeit indirect in Western states. The nature of inward defense enables the Chinese military to ironically lose or relinquish territory with a feeling of superiority, or display a compulsive attachment to a piece of land regardless of the sacrifices required. All this performance, in the end, enacts a position of moral incorruptibility with a spirit reaching far and beyond secular territory, therefore reproducing a difference that distinguishes the Chinese from the imperialist Other
Women on Quests: Timberlake Wertenbaker’s Feminist Comedies
No full text本論文擬研究汀馞蕾珂．渥騰貝克(Timberlake Wertenbaker)如何運用不同
的喜劇類型和技巧來呈演在不同社會、環境中女性的追尋自我、追求自由，成就
風格特殊的喜劇，即「女性主義喜劇」。第一部份以《瑪麗．崔列佛斯的美德》
(The Grace of Mary Traverse, 1985)為主，渥騰貝克改造復辟時期喜劇中的「放
浪子歷程」(Rake's Progress)，呈現瑪麗跨越階級和性別的界限，打破父權社
會建構的單一身份—女兒，開創女性多重、複雜、流動的身份。該劇反映英國
在自七○年代以來婦女運動的風潮之下，女性對改變現狀的期待和希望，而當
中女性和政治權力的議題，則是對柴契爾夫人執政的省思。第二部份探討《為
國之故》(Our Country’s Good, 1988)，渥騰貝克運用「後台喜劇」(backstage
comedy)，刻意暴露幕後演員／囚犯的背景和狀況、對演出的角色的看法、以
及排演的進展，和幕前的戲成有趣的對比，更重要的，是和嚴苛的殖民地刑罰生
活成強烈的對照。《為國之故》強調戲劇如何成為殘酷現實生活中改變個人、凝
聚社群的一股力量，而新的生命意義，尤其明顯見於女囚犯瑪莉和麗芝。第三部
份論述《飛落原野的鳥兒》(Three Birds Alighting on a Field, 1991)，渥騰貝克
善用「風尚喜劇」(comedy of manners)來嘲弄、諷刺英國八○年代末的資本主
義社會中，藝術品淪為買賣的商品，以及不同階級、種族汲汲營取的各式行為。
然而，透過對藝術、傳統之價值的真切瞭解，碧蒂逐漸改變，體悟身為女性和英
國人的意義，而茱莉亞最後肯定自我，在英國社會中坦然以印度人自居。本文結
論將闡釋西蘇(H?l?ne Cixous)在〈梅杜莎的笑〉(“The Laugh of the Medusa,”
1975)中對「笑」(laughter)的論述，藉此徵顯三部喜劇的女性主義幽默和精
神，並將之定義為「女性主義喜劇」。This paper attempts to explore the theme of women on quests in three comedies
by Timberlake Wertenbaker. The first part discusses The Grace of Mary Traverse;
premiered in 1985, the play tells an eighteenth-century tale of a young woman’s
“Rake’s Progress.” By means of disguise, Mary transgresses the gender boundary
in the patriarchal society and pursues self-knowledge and freedom. The second
section deals with Our Country’s Good, opened at the Royal Court Theatre in 1988.
The comedy re-writes the story of the first theatrical production, Farquhar’s The
Recruiting Officer, by a bunch of convicts on the shores of Britain’s new colony of
Australia in 1789. Employing the genre of backstage comedy, Wertenbaker dramatizes
the transforming power of the theatre, which eventually enables the transformations
of the convicts through rehearsal and acting; the changes are especially obvious in
Mary Brenham and Liz Morden. The third part considers Three Birds Alighting on
a Field; produced in 1991, the work uses the theme of art trade to problematize the
identity issue—sexual, social, cultural, and national—in 1980s Thatcherite England.
By utilizing the dramaturgy of comedy of manners, Wertenbaker presents her scathing
satire on the commodification of modern art in London and the upper echelons of
British society; nevertheless, two female characters, Biddy and Julia, do have flashes
of discovery about themselves in their pursuits of art. Finally, the paper brings forth
Cixous’ “The Laugh of the Medusa” (1975) in which she calls for a liberation of the
feminine repressed within patriarchal cultures by wielding the power of subversive and
destructive laughter; Cixous’ political manifesto offers a discourse on feminist humor.
The feminist humor praised by Cixous, as the paper concludes it, is precisely the spirit
of Wertenbaker’s three comedies; the feminist comedies make Wertenbaker distinctive
in contemporary British theatre
Writing China's “Big-Power Diplomacy”: A Comparison of the Taiwan and the Mainland Literature
No full text中共官方的大國關係論，在海峽兩岸各自刺激出多種不同回應，在臺灣，有結構現實主義對大國外交的格局進行客觀分析，有古典現實主義由中共國家利益與國力的角色進行政策分析；在大陸，有以對外交流合作為主調的政策主張，也有面向國內力保開放潮流的自由化立場。臺灣學者覺得大國外交製造中國威脅，大陸學者認為大國外交是用妥協來化解中國威脅。故對臺灣而言，大國外交論述下的中共國家權力威脅，成為潛在的研究動機，乃傾向於對「外交」部分更重視；而在大陸，大國外交論述卻是屬於保護改革政策的一個外交立場，從而對於如何做一個「大國」的部分更加重視。大國外交是什麼，必須在各家討論的問題意識中來詮釋。研究者本身所處的情境，影響到研究成果所帶有的政策意涵。This paper reviews the literature on "China's big-power diplomacy" in Taiwan as well as China. From the realist traditions, the literature in Taiwan is concerned with how big-power diplomacy may help improve China's power status in the world and affect Taiwan. In contrast, the Chinese literature witnesses a debate between idealism and realism and involves a quest for the meaning of China being a big power. On the whole, those who in China conceive of big-power diplomacy as a useful political discourse caution against militant policy toward Taiwan. The paper argues that there is a clear cognitive cleavage between the two streams of literature in terms of the meaning of big-power diplomacy
Entertaining the Lord Chamberlain: Joe Orton and His Black Comedy
No full text本論文擬探討喬‧歐騰的黑色喜劇在一九六○年代的驚嚇、激怒效果和意義。這位同性戀劇作家向來以其叛逆、玩世不恭的特質而聞名；運用黑色幽默，歐騰令當時的中產階級觀眾和英國社會感到震驚、憤怒。歐騰蓄意驚嚇、挑釁觀眾的結果曾受到學者的質疑。辛富德(Alan Sinfield)在他的〈誰怕喬‧歐騰？〉中強調，歐騰的黑色喜劇雖然成功地震嚇、冒犯保守的觀眾，但卻無法惹惱或刺激開放的一群。本文因此首要指出，歐騰一開始便以守舊、反動的中產階級觀眾為攻訐的目標，並非年輕、進步的一代。本文接著要提出一項重要卻未被辛富德納入討論的因素，即是審查制度。在歐騰創作時期，劇場審查制度仍具效力，歐騰的作品皆需通過審查，方能搬上舞台。審查制度無疑是削弱歐騰顛覆力量的一項事實。本文因而要呈現、討論當時審查人員對歐騰作品的反應、批評和要求，藉此說明審查制度對歐騰作品的干預和阻礙，以及歐騰如何不斷地僭越審查制度的設限、挑戰審查大人權力。本論文希望闡述歐騰的黑色喜劇在六○年代的驚嚇效果和意義，進而臆測，若非受限於審查制度，歐騰的顛覆力量可能更激烈、影響的觀眾更廣大。This essay attempts to explore the shock value of Joe Orton’s black comedy in the 1960s. The homosexual playwright has been known for his rebellious and subversive humor, with which he scandalized and confronted the bourgeois audience and the English society at that time. The shock effects of Orton’s black comedy have been questioned. In his “Who was Afraid of Joe Orton?” Alan Sinfield maintains that Orton succeeded in shocking and offending the conservative theatergoers, but failed to provoke or disturb the progressive ones. This essay will argue that it was, and had been, the orthodox bourgeoisie, rather than the young and radical generation, that Orton’s outrageous comedy aimed at. The essay will also point out an influence on the shock effects that is important yet has not been considered by Sinfield, namely, stage censorship. Writing at a time when the censorship was still effective, Orton had to confine his work within the boundaries of what was allowed on stage. Theater censorship was certainly one of the factors—and an irrefutable one—that frustrated Orton’s radicalism. This essay therefore will discuss how Orton deliberately stepped over the Lord Chamberlain’s limits to challenge his authority by showing the censor’s reactions to Orton’s scripts and his unfavorable opinions of them. The purpose of the essay is to contend that Orton’s black comedy was shocking and provocative in his time, and could have been more shocking and provocative if not restricted by the censoring powers
The West System of Delegation and the Chinese Civic Culture
No full text西方代議制所假想的公民文化，在中國文化地區內，沒有歷史的支持，而且這些代議制所共賴的資本主義經濟，和分別源出的封建體制或宗教背景，都不曾見於近代中國的經驗中。故認為將代議制度移諸中國後，就可以發展出成熟的西方公民文化，並不切實際。各地代議政治的變型，見笑於西方的觀察家。不過，來自西方的嘲弄，傳達出矛盾的訊息，即一方面肯定了西方的優越，另一方面也形成潛在的焦慮－似乎西方代議制度的範型，無一可以成為人類歷史共享的標的，則西方文明與落後的非西方地區文化，就成了無分優劣的平行歷史！其無懼乎？因是之故，西方代議制的信仰者，渴求非西方世界出現轉型成功的範例，凡具有代議制模樣的地方，只要能定期選舉，必能滿足西方文明的幻想。臺灣近年來，幾次為了拋掉舊有人情包袱而進行的代議士選舉，恰巧滿足了西方殷切的期盼，致臺灣代議制的文化背景與人情動機，儘管與中國大陸並無太大分野，仍然成為西方民主在中國文化地區的驕傲，這不能不說是對代議制的最大諷刺了。The Western system of deleagation lacks cultural support in Chinese history which has yet to appreciate the meaning of Renaissance, Enlightenment, Scientific Revolution, and the associated colonialism and state building, all important bases for contemporary political systems. However, it is psychologically imperative for western democracy advocates to find alliers in China so as to create the impressions that China would ultimately develop the democratic system of delegation and that China should be contained before its eventual adoption of emocracy. Taiwan has become the proof that the Chinese civic culture will move towards the Westerm model. As a result, the parallels between China's and Taiwan's practices of delegation system are consistently overlooked by the Western scholarship on Chinese political culture. This paper examines these parallels to show that Western illusion of democracy in Taiwan misses the true meaning of Taiwan's political reform
Political Personality and Taiwan's China Policy－From Lee Teng-hui to Chen Shui-bian
No full text本文將以李登輝為例，以陳水扁為輔，說明政治人格與兩岸關係政策風格之間的聯繫。關於政治人格研究最大的困境在於資料的詮釋，本文採用李登輝自己的說法與自我分析為主要素材，藉以探詢李登輝政治人格的形成，以及對兩岸關係中既存國際政治、歷史脈絡互動的風格。李登輝對自己自我意識太強而有所警惕，陳水扁對人際權力爭勝的執著而對策立場失去敏感，構成兩種兩岸關係的政策風格。李登輝的政治人格近乎一般政治人格中的自戀人格，而陳水扁似乎更趨同於權威人格。李登輝的自我意識是透過一種對外在的抗拒來完成的，為了控制自我意識的無限蔓延，他將自我意識投射到一個理想主義的臺灣主體意識與主體認同上，並發展出一套不斷抗拒的政策風格，於是就為兩岸衡突建立了一個基礎。在對自我做出刻意的貶抑與對臺灣主體的悲情中，他需要獨特的迂迴戰術與堅定的政策目標，且並努力隱藏這個政策意圖。相形之下，陳水扁企盼明確的評價標準不可得，因在兩岸政策上缺乏一致 性，並對外界對政策的挑戰理解成為對他個人領導地位的抗拒，從而排除了長遠政策目標或哲學立場的孕育。This paper examines the interaction between political personality and Taiwan's China policy. Based upon President Lee Teng-hui's self-revelation in three selected texts, the paper provides an in-depth psychoanalytical analysis of his need as well as the projection of that need onto public objects. The result is a re-interpretation of the meaning of cross-Taiwan Straits relations in terms of how China policy serves as self-therapy. The second half of the paper compares President Lee and current President Chin Shui-bian and shows how the latter, with a different personality, has brought with him a different style of policy making. Basically, Lee displays narcissism and he knows and struggles to control it. He does that by devoting himself to an abstract value. While he is sympathetic with Taiwan independence, he fears it lest pursuit of independence should release his dreaded narcissism. He consciously shuns his disposition for independence. He satisfies his ego by resisting a stronger China and avoids total self-involvement by opposing Taiwan independence. In comparison, Chen possesses authoritarian personality and is constantly in need of a clear guideline from a certain omniscient superior. For him, the United States plays that role
Scientism and Citizenship in Postcolonial China: The Predicament of China Studies in Taiwan
No full text中國主權的範圍與中國研究的範圍是一體兩面；科學傳入中國的歷史和用科學來研究中國，也是一體兩面；西洋公民文化的理想及人們對中國公民文化的分析，更是一體的兩面。中國人接納科學觀念本來沒有心理障礙，但是帝國主義的入侵突出了倫理與科學的矛盾，可惜在西洋科學語言無法表達這一種衝突，使得中國人對天下觀的迷戀與對國家觀的模糊，就表現成是一個西化不完全的地區。既然當代中國的領導人與知識界毫無保留地接受了主權秩序，只好承認自己在主權世界中相對邊緣的位置，既怨恨國人不能積極主動，則每每要訴諸民族情緒來動員中國人，反而加深西方的疑懼，形成文明衝突的惡性循環。依此推論，每一篇中國研究的科學論文都是關於文明立場的政治宣示，延續了西方對科學與公民的想像，致研究者疏離於真實的自已，故是對本土研究者之壓迫。只有在倫理關係中體會中國，才不會淪為西方替中國定位的媒介。From a postcolonial critical perspective, I argue that the notions of science, China studies, civic culture and sovereignty are historically and conceptually intertwined. The history of science and colonialism developed together. After they came to China, the Chinese people struggled to learn the doctrine of science in order to counter colonialism. China became an objective field of study once the Chinese accepted the notion of state sovereignty and turned their culture into a piece of territory. Since the key to the rise of contemporary Western sovereign states is their liberal, civic culture, China studies typically focus also on the evolution (or the stagnation) of Chinese civic culture. This civic approach to China studies naturally defines China in an inferior position and is supported by a liberal science which the Chinese "Western" state has no conceptual means to refute. Consequently, all Taiwanese work on China must also take this Western, scientific, liberal position and alienae the researchers from their subject of study. Politically, this compels them to create a sovereign, civic illusion for themselves in order to understand China from an objective, outside position
The State and Society in Taiwan's Second-track Diphomacy: A Discursive Analysis
No full text最先提出第二軌道外交(Track II Diplomacy)的是一群精神分析師，他們依據美國市民社會的特性，想出這一套解決外交衝突的機制。實際運用中發現，臺灣的第二軌道擁有與西方第二軌道不同的生命與邏輯，因為它不只是以任務為核心的委任或契約行為，它亦依附於政府，接受動員，更沒有相對於國家機器而具優勢地位的市民社會做其後盾。因此，美國與臺灣的第二軌道外交，在形式、意義、風格與行為上顯現差異。目前兩岸對第二軌道尚存有相當猜忌，弱勢一方尤然，使得第二軌道做為一宣洩爭端緊張關係的作用猶待發揮，這不能不說是因為人們不習於拾起市民文化這塊後盾，進而徒增各方對於第二軌道的不信任與爭議。如此一來，美國以市民社會做基礎所提議的美中臺第二軌道，恐難在短期內培養出解決臺海兩岸爭端的感同之心與利他傾向。Second-track diplomacy is aimed at providing a non-state, and thus less competitive, environment for professionals, primarily academics, from countries in dispute to brainstorm one another for creative solutions to chronic conflict. The unstated assumption that participants have independent roles outside of state, which support them to be caring human beings, carries strong liberal legacy. This paper shows that when this assumption fails to hold, as in Taiwan and China, the meaning of the second track diplomacy to those involved would be dramatically different. The interactions facilitated along the second tracks would have little impacts on conflict resolution
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