1,721,025 research outputs found
The potential of the Great Blue Wall Initiative to achieve human security in the Western Indian ocean region.
Get PDFMini Dissertation (MSS(security studies))-- University of Pretoria, 2024Maritime securitisation is increasingly receiving scholarly attention, particularly regarding its role in protecting national interests and it is therefore being linked to geopolitical and developmental discussions. However, there is a noticeable trend of maritime security being focused on traditional security conceptions which neglect human security concerns.
This study examines the capacity of the Great Blue Wall (GBW) initiative to attain human security in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region through the development of a human security framework centred around the ocean and focused on five dimensions of human security: Environmental Security, Food Security, Economic Security, Health Security and Political Security. The study uses this approach to evaluate the GBW's ability to enhance human security in the WIO. The results suggest that the GBW, through its three-pronged objectives of climate action, biodiversity restoration and promotion of a blue economy has great potential to attain human security by tackling the complex obstacles encountered by coastal communities. Nevertheless, it is crucial to acknowledge that the GBW is not a panacea and its benefits might be compromised by evolving geopolitical factors. Hence, it is imperative to supplement the GBW with additional regional initiatives to enhance maritime safety and mitigate pollution in the WIO. The Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and the International Maritime Organisation (IMO) have the potential to significantly contribute to the support and enhancement of the GBW's aims. By adopting a comprehensive and cooperative strategy, the WIO region may strive to attain sustained human security and protect the welfare of its coastal populations. These regional initiatives can help address the specific challenges faced by the WIO region, such as illegal fishing, piracy, and oil spills. By collaborating with IORA and IMO, the WIO countries can benefit from capacity sharing, additional resources, and regional coordinated efforts to ensure that effective maritime safety and security measures are in place. Additionally, these initiatives can also promote sustainable development and economic growth in the region by facilitating trade and promoting responsible maritime practicesPolitical sciencesMSS(Security Studies)RestrictedFaculty of humanitie
An analysis of the economic dimension of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo with recommendations for track one diplomacy
Get PDFDissertation (MA (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2008.The economic dimension of conflicts has enjoyed increasing attention in research dealing with the dynamics of contemporary conflict. The nexus between natural resources, economics and conflict has played a defining role in a number of Africa’s most intractable conflicts during the 1990s and early 2000s. The underlying assumption of this study is that the economic dimension of conflict can be hugely informative in terms of an understanding as to why peace agreements fail and in that sense can contribute to the resolution of conflicts if taken into account during the formulation of peace agreements. This study explores the ways in which conflict theory has dealt with the conflict-economics nexus, analyzing the extent to which theory illuminates the conflict reality in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) during the period August 1998 to August 2004. It determines to what degree peace agreements in the DRC have taken the economic dimension and insights gained from the academic exploration of this topic into account during the negotiation and formulation of these agreements. In conclusion the study proposes a number of recommendations in terms of the peace process in the DRC with possible wider application for other peace agreements.Political Sciencesunrestricte
A Southern African Development Community Parliament? Challenges and opportunities for regionalisation
Get PDFDissertation (MA (Diplomatic Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2021.In 2020, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) celebrated forty years of existence. It started as the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) in April 1980, which later became the SADC in 1992. Notwithstanding this milestone, as a regional economic community, SADC remains the only such a community in Africa without a regional Parliament. Although the SADC-Parliamentary Forum (PF) does exist as an institution approved by the SADC in 1997 in terms of article 9 (2) of the SADC Treaty, it cannot be regarded as a bona fide regional parliament of SADC because its transformation into a SADC Parliament is yet to be realised. SADC Parliamentary Forum (PF) exists and functions at this stage only as an independent association of parliamentarians.
This research sought to address the primary question: what are the opportunities that a regional parliament inherently provides for a regional economic community like SADC in strengthening and supporting its regionalisation project? This question was premised on the preliminary assumption that the establishment of a regional parliament brings with it inherent institutionalised benefits and efficiencies for a regionalisation project of an economic community like SADC.
Theoretically, this study is set against the backdrop of Africa’s broader vision of the promotion of economic integration as a precondition for the continent’s realisation of its envisioned goal of self-reliance and self-sustained development. The study is specifically presented in the broader context of the phenomenon of regional parliamentarisation in Africa, which is deemed an integral component of the continent’s efforts of fostering socio-economic integration, democratic governance and political globalisation. The study’s theoretical framework is predicated on three dominant intuitionalist approaches, namely, international democracy approach, rational choice approach, and pan Africanism approach.
The study has, in essence, found and confirmed the preliminary assumption that there are indeed inherent institutionalised benefits and efficiencies that are attached to regional parliaments, among which, is their institutionalised potential to help, through an oversight function, in enhancing monitoring and implementation of regional activities and decisions, and removing trade barriers. Also found in this study is the regional parliaments’ potential to act as key agents in fostering and nurturing intraregional communication, consequently, contributing to building shared regional identity, and consequently building and entrenching the continental identity that pan Africanist ideologue envisages. Also found in this study, is that SADC as the only regional economic community in Africa that does not have a regional parliament, is currently not able to enjoy the institutionalised benefits and efficiencies that accrue from having a regional parliament and this is clearly manifest in the kind of implementation and coordination challenges it is currently faced with.
Keywords: regionalisation; parliamentarisation; regional economic communities (RECs); and SADCN/APolitical SciencesMaster of Arts (Diplomatic Studies)Unrestricte
The international political economy of structural adjustment programmes and poverty reduction strategy papers in Africa : a comparative analysis
Get PDFDissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2011.This study focuses on the debtor-creditor relationship between African states and the International Financial Institutions (IFIs). More specifically, it makes use of ‘post-positivist’ approaches as analytical tools and it compares the controversial Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) with so-called ‘post-SAPs’ in order to establish whether the latter debt relief strategies are an improvement on the former. Post-SAPs include, amongst others, the Enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC II) and Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs). Jointly, the post-SAPs initiatives aim to make debt more sustainable, boost social spending and reduce poverty. The PRSP initiative in particular was full of promise (at least initially), as it entailed that debtors would rightfully be given the scope to create their own developmental strategies and that a blanket approach to development would be abandoned. Upon closer inspection the PRSP initiative is disappointing. The process itself is predetermined and there are additional IFI mechanisms (with traditional SAPs conditionalities) that should be read alongside this initiative. As the Great Recession starting in 2007 unfolded, the IFIs tended to stress the success and ‘resilience’ of HIPC II and PRSP countries. However, this study argues that supposed achievements are somewhat artificial and one needs to remain cautious about its long-term impacts. African economies experienced high economic growth rates in recent years, not because of World Bank and IMF endorsed policies, but because of debt relief and a commodity boom in the 2000s. The IFIs have not done anything to forge the developmental state in Africa. Several HIPC II and PRSP graduates are already starting to show signs of debt distress. Thus, there is a need to seriously rethink the roles of the World Bank and IMF in Africa. This study recommends that true adherence to the PRSP approach could be a first step to empower African states, and it calls for the establishment of an independent mechanism that will hold debtors and the IFIs accountable for unsustainable debt.Political Sciencesunrestricte
A critical analysis of the African Peer Review Mechanism as a standard for 'good governance'
Get PDFDissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2009.This dissertation focuses on an analysis of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a standard for ‘good governance’. The APRM is a democratic initiative on behalf of African leaders to strengthen governance and democratic processes on the continent, in order to build a successful foundation for development. This is intended to be achieved through a new concept in African politics – ‘peer review’. Thus, the APRM is an innovative solution to the governance problems of the African states. However, the APRM is not without its issues. The process is voluntary and its recommendations are not enforced. Although the APRM is intended as an overall country review, according to its rules national governments are in the driving seat, which raises concerns with regard to possible manipulations. The extensive standards utilised by the APRM and analysed in this dissertation are of little substance practically, as they mostly fail to provide definitions of key concepts, measuring tools, and normative recommendations. As case studies, this dissertation examines four problems of four African states: Rwanda and sovereignty; Kenya and democracy; South Africa and corruption; and Ghana and neopatrimonialism. These case studies show that although in many instances the APRM is on the right track, in its current format it is too weak to significantly impact on African politics. The APRM is an effort to strengthen ‘good governance’ in Africa, but it often lacks the collective will of its members to achieve its objectives. CopyrightPolitical Sciencesunrestricte
Economic diplomacy as a proactive tool to advance African agency within FOCAC
Get PDFMini Dissertation (MA (Diplomatic Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2021.The institutionalisation of China-Africa relations under the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), which was formally established in the year 2000 in Beijing, took place within the context of emerging South to South engagement. FOCAC’s reputation as China-Africa’s key multilateral platform, is premised on the objectives of achieving a mutual partnership and win-win cooperation through dialogue. The Forum has undoubtedly served Africa’s economic profile well, especially in areas such as infrastructural development and exponential trade growth. However, growing concerns around Africa’s inability to fully maximise the opportunities extended by FOCAC’s framework, continue to leave room for scepticism over China’s development commitments to the continent.
From a review of literature on the evolution of China-Africa relations, the study identified the absence of an Africa-China policy as a major gap contributing to Africa’s difficulty in articulating what it expects from its external partner, China. So as to advise how Africa can better exercise agency towards China, and fill in the research gap, the following main research question is used to guide the study: what is the level at which economic diplomacy creates opportunities for Africa to benefit of its relationship with China? After critical analyses were deduced from the terms ‘economic diplomacy’ and ‘agency’, the study subsequently relied on primary sources such as key FOCAC documents, dignitary speeches and plans of action to examine how far Africa’s agency has been exerted within the Forum since it was launched.
Out of these facts and figures, a number of positive observations were made. For instance, a several policy objectives based on the AU’s agenda 2063 were adopted within FOCAC. However, these strengths are challenged by other structural factors, such as the hesitancy by some individual African governments that are unreceptive of the AU’s role as the continent’s main bridge of communication with China, in the Forum. As a result thereof, these countries have been working with the superpower bilaterally on the side; derailing from the Forum’s multilateral scope.
The study affirmed that African actors at the FOCAC negotiation table have indeed been able to influence decision-making on the receiving end of their economic relationship with China, but only to the extent that their Chinese partners have allowed this to happen. As one of the measures proposed to enhance this African agency, more transparency regarding the flow of financial aid from China to Africa was encouraged.Political SciencesMA (Diplomatic Studies)Unrestricte
A 30-year review of SADC's development into a security community : where is SADC falling short?
Get PDFMini Dissertation (MA (Security Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2022.2022 marks the 30th anniversary of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and this occasion provides a good opportunity for conducting a review that focuses on how far the SADC region has come in its quest to develop into a security community. SADC, over the last 30 years, has emerged into and continues to develop into a regional security community that aims to have the capacity to successfully address regional security threats. Since its inception, although SADC has made some modest strides that have signalled and strengthened its development into a security community, its overall successes in this regard have been limited. The limited success that SADC has demonstrated has resulted from the shortfalls exhibited by the SADC Organ and regional agreements and policies. The challenges faced by SADC in developing into a regional security community have hindered the ability of the region to respond to security threats as can be seen in the case of Mozambique and Eswatini. Theoretical frameworks on security communities are applied in this study as a lens through which SADC, its successes, and the challenges it faces, are studied.Political SciencesMA (Security Studies)Unrestricte
Mediation for sustainable peace : the Trilateral Agreement of 1988 between the Republic of South Africa the People's Republic of Angola and the Republic of Cuba for Namibian independence
Get PDFMini Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2015.Namibian independence was the result of more than a decade of mediation. It began with a multiparty mediation effort in 1978 that resulted in a peace agreement between South Africa and SWAPO, yet there was no cessation of hostilities and no implementation of the signed agreement. This was followed by a series of mediation efforts that culminated in a major effort in 1988 which resulted in another agreement, signed by different parties (South Africa, Cuba and Angola). This Trilateral Agreement resulted in the cessation of the hostilities, the implementation of the first agreement (1978) and of the second agreement signed in 1988, which finally led to Namibia s independence.
This study considered the theory on the factors contributing to mediation success and applied it to the 1988 mediation in order to identify the factors that positively contributed to the successful mediation outcome and sustainable peace in Namibia.
This study found that not all the factors identified in the theory impacted on the mediation outcome, and that these factors are not a blueprint when engaging in mediation. The study found that the Namibian case study supports the theory in certain aspects. In instances when the mediator initiates the mediation process at the appropriate time, when the conflict is ripe for resolution, the chances of successful mediation are improved. Furthermore, the study found that mediator skill and strategy improve the chances of mediation success. Prospects for sustainable peace are further enhanced when the mediation outcome is supported by a comprehensive agreement and a detailed implementation plan.
This study identified the need for further study on the role of sponsors during mediation and their continued support after the signing of the agreement.Political SciencesMAUnrestricte
Evaluating the explanatory value of Brahimi And Ahmed’s Seven Deadly Sins Of Mediation : the case of the Malagasy mediation of 2009-2014
Get PDFDissertation (MA Security Studies)--University of Pretoria 2019.The pursuit of international peace and security continues to lead international actors to pacify conflicts that could potentially evolve into or have already employed violence. In line with this pursuit, international mediation practitioners, Lakhdar Brahimi and Salman Ahmed, have observed seven variables, which they refer to as ‘The seven deadly sins of mediation’, that contribute to ineffective mediation and consequentially jeopardise the quality of the resultant peace. Testifying that mediation is a difficult undertaking, the 2009-2014 mediation process in Madagascar experienced multiple challenges and the resultant peace has been described as fragile. Brahimi and Ahmed’s work is applied in this study as an analytical framework to evaluate the mediation process in Madagascar during the period 2009-2014, and thus indicate the explanatory value of the framework itself. The research links challenges faced by the Malagasy mediation to six of the seven original sins in the framework, indicating that the framework has some explanatory value. The research further demonstrates that the identification of the sins in a mediation process forebodes a strong predisposition to ineffective mediation, yet each mediation case may present an additional sin or sins to append to Brahimi and Ahmed’s original list. Through scrutinizing the events of the Malagasy mediation, the study identifies an additional problem; the lack of a clear mandate, to have been catalytic to the mediation’s challenges and ineffectiveness, as well as the fragile resultant peace.Political SciencesMA Security StudiesUnrestricte
African maritime security : a human security approach to maritime securitisation - the case for an alternative analytical framework
Get PDFDissertation (MA (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2023.African maritime security in practice, and academically, is gaining significant attention as an area of study. What is overwhelmingly clear is the growing importance of maritime security and its centrality in discourses of geopolitics, development, and human security. In recent years, there has been an observable trend of securitising maritime issues, chief among these has been piracy and armed robbery at sea. Yet, part and parcel of these securitising measures have been implications, often adverse, for the human security and livelihoods of ordinary people. The securitising moves enacted by state officials have in one way or another, disenfranchised and marginalised littoral communities and their needs be it their agency, dignity or livelihoods. Essentially, African communities have been robbed, undermined and subjected to strategies and policies imposed upon them, often without consultation. Arguably, the securitisation of maritime security issues is often done without much thought given to the potential consequences for human security. This study problematises this issue and proposes an alternative analytical framework, pertinent to address maritime insecurity in Africa.
Owing to the link between maritime security and human security, approaches to address the former must take into consideration the latter. Where maritime securitisation is enacted, the principles of human security should inform the process. Therefore, this study posits the need for a human security approach to maritime securitisation. The potential merits of this approach are assessed in this study using notable empirical cases, namely those of piracy off the coast of Somalia and illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing in the Gulf of Guinea. Using these cases, the study first explores the manner in which securitisation measures were enacted by a range of actors, in order to ascertain the impact on human security conditions, and to critique the prevailing situation. Thereafter, the study applies the analytical framework developed in this study to the case of Somali piracy in Chapter Three and IUU fishing in Cameroon and Ghana in Chapter Four, to theorise an alternative outcome. This is done with the overarching aim of demonstrating the value and necessity of a human security approach to maritime securitisation toward enhancing non-state participation and agency among local communities, whilst building resilience.National Institute for Humanities and Social Sciences (NIHSS)Political SciencesMA (International Relations)UnrestrictedFaculty of HumanitiesSDG-14: Life below waterSDG-15: Life on landSDG-16: Peace, justice and strong institutionsSDG-17: Partnerships for the goal
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