1,721,066 research outputs found
Comunicazione Politica e Globalizzazione. 978-88-430-4762-8
No full textMentre le dinamiche della globalizzazione economica indeboliscono la politica e i governi degli stati nazionali sottraendo loro potere decisionale (Beck, 1999), proprio le stesse tecnologie dell’informazione che rendono possibile la globalizzazione dei mercati finanziari favoriscono anche l’emergere di un’opinione pubblica transfrontaliera. Un’opinione pubblica globale che inizia a premere sulle politiche nazionali per influire sui processi decisionali esulando dalle gerarchie precostituite. D’altro canto è proprio questo il senso profondo della globalizzazione secondo Ulrich Beck: “la globalizzazione...non allude alla fine della politica, ma ad una collocazione del politico al di fuori del quadro categoriale dello Stato-nazione, e perfino al di fuori dello schema che assegna i ruoli di ciò che vale come azione politica o non politica” (ivi, p.13).
In questo quadro, tutti gli attori sociali sono chiamati a reagire, a prendere posizione, a fornire risposte e a pretenderle dalle istituzioni, in merito ad ogni aspetto della “retorica della globalizzazione”: dall’economia all’occupazione, dai flussi finanziari, dall’informazione allo stile di vita.
Le nuove tecnologie favoriscono questa nuova partecipazione e informazione, tuttavia non possiamo nasconderci che si tratta, allo stato attuale, di una partecipazione meno diretta di quanto potrebbe far supporre la facilità di accesso alla rete. Sempre più soggetti possono concorrere oggi alla formazione di un’agenda politica dal basso, ma sono ancora rari i casi in cui la rete coagula e organizza una partecipazione attiva in grado di incidere direttamente (e profondamente) sui processi decisionali
Nuove tecnologie dell’informazione e nuove forme di partecipazione politica: dalle affissioni a Piazza Tahrir
No full textFrom Facebook to Parliament: Civic Participation through Social Network Organizations Between Success and Failure
No full textComputer Mediated Communication has given access to political participation
to a large number of citizens around the world mostly regardless of their ideological,
social, ethnic, economic background. People living in different Countries or
even who have voted for opposite parties for years may unite for a single issue
purpose, for a protest, a petition, for organizing a revolt or a deeper change in
government. The No-Global Movement years ago and, more recently, the Arab
spring, have proved the possibilities of the Net in terms of political organization
and impact. In Egypt and in Italy things have gone even further: Social Networks
have become the means and the place for civic organization that later were transformed
into political parties running for government. The paper will analyze possibilities
and limits offered by the Web-Democracy in relation to these two recent
examples
POLITICAL CULTURES AND DIGITAL RHETORIC
No full textSocial network users are seen and treated as consumers, not primarily as citizens or even less likely as activists. The companies that own social networks are there to make money not politics. And just to remind us that the Net is not as equalitarian as people tend to think it is, we should note that not only the platforms used (Facebook, Twitter, and other social networks) are from Western companies, but also that the most popular contents shared are from Western cultures (musical or political alike, as we have just seen), giving us a distorted perception of the world we live in and actually reproducing power ratios amongst the different geo-political cultures at a global level. There are many marketing oriented analysis on the behaviour of internet users and the results are used by companies trying to sell us something. Every time we browse the internet to look for a hotel or a book or whatever else, we will soon after be bombarded by similar advertisements on our social networks or even e-mails. Every time we do something on internet, we live traces, and give companies or even the police if we are living in an authoritarian country, a pretty good idea of who we are, what we like, where we go, and with whom.
Those digital traces give a potential analyst a pretty interesting insight on the type, frequency and kind of social interactions undertaken in a specific geographical zone and on their content.
So much so that not only security agencies worldwide have started analyzing them, marketing companies have started exploiting them for economic purposes, but a new branch of the social sciences has started to affirm itself, called Computational Social Science31, on the assumption that we live in a life of networks and that the relationships, activities and contents of these networks are traceable and analyzable, making it possible to draw conclusions on these social experiences and meanings and, more generally, on social change as a whole. Indeed, as in any technological revolution, not only a wide array of new possibilities is offered to the population that has access to it, but also scholars are compelled to rethink their theories and categories in order to better understand and explain the world they live in. This also entails the necessity of fine tuning or even of abandoning altogether previous hypothesis. After an enthusiastic initial reaction to the disclosure of grass roots participation possibilities brought by the new media, we should -now that we have started to collect the data – start analyzing its actual effects. And read these effects not as the mere outcome of technology but, as sociologists are trained to do, as used according to the society, culture and habits they are embedded in
Appunti sullo stato di salute del dottorato di ricerca in Italia
No full textL'articolo analizza la condizione dei dottorandi di ricerca italiani a partire dai dati di una ricerca condotta dall'autrice con l'ADI (Associazione Dottorandi e dottori di ricerca Italiani
Le ragioni della crisi della ricerca italiana: crisi economica, di organico, di governance e di meritocrazia
No full textLa crisi della ricerca italiana corre lungo 5 assi principali: carenza di risorse economiche; carenza di risorse umane (siamo sotto organico); mancanza di una visione di insieme, di una progettazione organica e di governance; autonomia incompiuta; scarse risorse di verifica della meritocrazia. Soprattutto la politica ha mostrato di mirare al breve periodo e scarsa lungimiranz
Governance and participation: a regional insight on the political culture of Italian younger generations of public administrators
No full textIn the last few decades the political situation in Italy has gone through deep changes. As far as younger generations are concerned, if during the 80’s Italian studies (Cavalli et al.) registered a drop in youth attention towards politics and a renewed evaluation of the private sphere, in the 90’s and the first years of the new Millennium what seems to be a deep process of changes has started to take place. Sociologists have started to wonder whether young people are retreating from politics or if they are simply activating new forms of participation. The paper will analyze political attitudes and values both of young politicians and of young people who have not chosen politics as an important part of their lives. The first results show us that the national political bribe scandal (Tangentopoli) in the early ‘90’s, the Berlin wall crack, and the new International and Italian political asset has had a deep impact on both groups and on both political sides, making us speak of a generational bond (Mannheim). The way both groups look at the political sphere, the way they think politicians should work, show a common will for a change. Institutional politics and parties seem distant and little trustworthy, attention shifts from political content to political style. Ideology, political theories and values seem unclear. Politics’ capacity to give society a broader horizon and project seem to be replaced by expectations on it’s management efficiency and transparency, while in general, traditional politics doesn’t seem appealing and accessible enough for the younger generations. Traditional parties feel the need for a change too. Therefore call their supporters to (at least occasional) forms of renewed participation and concentrate more and more their style of govern towards more participatory forms, in other words, towards a broader governance
Le trasformazioni della democrazia alla luce delle nuove forme di personalizzazione e partecipazione politica
No full textThis work analyzes the phase of transition experimented by Western democracies in present times. It deals with the effects produced by the globalization of markets and economies together with the development of new information technologies on the decisional capacity of nation-state institutions, undermining the authority and therefore the impact of the political spher
Culture politiche e democrazia nel 1900
No full textPer decenni, dall'immediato dopoguerra sino agli anni '90, fino al crollo del Muro di Berlino e a Mani Pulite, i partiti hanno svolto un ruolo cruciale di raccolta, rappresentanza e mediazione degli interessi legittimi delle diverse classi o fasce sociali, svolgendo anche una primaria funzione di socializzazione politica di ampi e diversi fra loro strati della popolazione. Hanno mediato tra la popolazione e le istituzioni cui rappresentavano le loro istanze e necessità. Contribuendo al miglioramento del rapporto tra istituzioni e cittadini. Hanno insomma svolto un ruolo cruciale di produzione, socializzazione e "controllo" della democrazia. Oggi la sfiducia verso i leader politici e i partiti si riversa sulle istituzioni, producendo un distacco e una disaffezione che ci appaiono pericolosi per la tenuta democratica del Paese.
Tuttavia, è bene ricordare come i partiti siano stati visti come centrali ai processi democratici solo per un breve lasso di tempo
La politica come professione 2.0: leadership e campagne elettorali all’epoca dei social network in “Ira et studio. La politica come professione nel nuovo millennio”
No full textA hundred years have passed since Max Weber’s conference in Monaco on “Politics as a vocation” and yet it may seem that the idea of charismatic leadership it contained is still to be considered up to date, especially due to the populistic type of leadership that has arisen worldwide. Yet, we argue, this parallelism does not seem convincing. An analysis that focused on the social and economic context of political processes and, more specifically, on the social and rhetorical characteristics underlying public discourse would seem more appropriate
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