16 research outputs found
Letter from David Rust to Alden Partridge, 13 April 1825
No full textRegarding Edwin Rust; Doctor Webb also sends two sons to the Academy.Transcription by Joseph Byrne. Transcriptions may be subject to error
Letter from David Rust to Alden Partridge, 9 January 1826.
No full textRegarding the course of education of Edwin R. Rust.Transcriptions may be subject to error
The voluntary maternity hospital : a social history of provincial institutions with special reference to maternal mortality, 1860-1930
Get PDFFrom an historical perspective, the maternity
hospital has borne criticism in two major respects.
Firstly it has been argued that the voluntary maternity
hospital played a negligible, even harmful role in
delivering women in childbirth and therefore cannot be
regarded as having a positive influence on maternal
mortality. Secondly, but not unrelated, is the widely
held assumption that the maternity hospital was little
more than an instrument of male medicalisation
responsible for subordinating midwives and their patients
to medical authority.
Drawing evidence from hospital records (Board
minutes, registers and annual reports) relating to
Manchester, Liverpool, Sheffield, Birmingham and
Newcastle, the thesis challenges both points of view.
Using Manchester as a principal case study, it has been
found that the city's two maternity hospitals, conducting
both ward and home confinements, played a far more
demographically significant role than previous estimates
have allowed. By adopting those factors considered
crucial determinants of low maternal mortality, 'free',
'accessible' care of 'a high standard', administered by a
'careful midwife' and a 'skilled doctor', the hospital's
potential to influence local maternal mortality rates was
formidable.
The Manchester material is again used in the
medicalisation debates, but much more relevant to this
discussion are the findings at the Liverpool Maternity
Hospital. Managed by the Ladies Committee, practices at
the hospital refute the opinion that, women managing
women's affairs, was to the greater good of their gender
simply because they shared 'the same biological
experience of femaleness...'. Class interest also
accounted for the women's involvement and the way they
exercised their influence. The Liverpool material also
provides, along with material from other provincial
maternity hospitals, a detailed explanation of the
medicalisation process so far as it effected maternity
hospitals. It is only from the 1920s that the
medicalisation of the institutions begin to have a
detrimental effect on the confinement of women, but as
the conclusions indicate, there was more to the maternity
hospital by this date than forceps and sutures
Prison or palace? Haven or hell? : an architectural and social study of the development of public lunatic asylums in Scotland, 1781-1930
No full textIn 1897 John Sibbald, Commissioner in Lunacy for Scotland, stated that ‘the
construction of an asylum is a more interesting subject of study for the general reader
than might be supposed.’ This thesis traces the development of the public asylum in
Scotland from 1781 to 1930.
By placing the institution in its wider social context it provides more than a historical
account, exploring how the buildings functioned as well as giving an architectural
analysis based on date, plan and style. Here the architecture represents more, and
provides a physical expression of successive stages of public philanthropy and legislative
changes during what was arguably one of the most rapidly evolving stages of history. At
a time when few medical treatments were available, public asylum buildings created truly
therapeutic environments, which allowed the mentally ill to live in relative peace and
security. The thesis explores how public asylums in Scotland introduced the segregation
or ‘classification’ of patients into separate needs-based groups under a system known as
Moral Treatment. It focuses particularly on the evolving plan forms of these institutions
from the earliest radial, prison-like structures to their development into self-sustaining
village-style colonies and shows how the plan reflects new attitudes to treatment.
While many have disappeared, the surviving Victorian and Edwardian mega-structures lie
as haunting reminders of a largely forgotten era in Scottish psychiatry. Only a few of the
original buildings are still in use today as specialist units, out-patient centres, and
administrative offices for Scotland’s Health Boards. Others have been redeveloped as
universities or luxury housing schemes, making use of the good-quality buildings and
landscaping. Whatever their current use, public asylums stand today as an outward sign
of the awakening of the Scottish people to the plight of the mentally ill in the nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries
Free Town Libraries, their Formation, Management, and History ; in Britain, France, Germany and America. ; Together with brief Notices of Book-collectors, and of the respective Places of Deposit of their surviving Collections
Get PDF« Document numérisé pour l\u27ENSSIB » - L\u27auteur de ce document, Edward Edwards, fut l\u27un des instigateurs et défenseurs des " Free Town Libraries " (bibliothèques municipales publiques) en Grande-Bretagne au milieu du XIXe siècle. Son ouvrage s\u27inscrit dans un contexte historique important pour le pays, faisant suite aux " Libraries Acts " de 1850, instaurant les bibliothèques publiques dans les villes anglaises. Edwards fut d\u27ailleurs le premier bibliothécaire de la bibliothèque publique de Manchester. L\u27objectif de son livre est de servir de manuel quant à l\u27organisation de ce type de bibliothèque et de promouvoir celui-ci plus largement. Dans un second temps, il vise à comparer les différents systèmes mis en place dans quelques pays étrangers, spécialement la France, l\u27Allemagne et les États-Unis. Composé de quatre livres, l\u27ouvrage offre une étude comparative des diverses expériences menées et s\u27appuie sur les textes législatifs, notamment en ce qui concerne la Grande-Bretagne. Cette oeuvre est fondamentale pour l\u27historien s\u27intéressant au développement des bibliothèques publiques au XIXe siècle. Elle est complétée par de précieuses notices sur les grands collectionneurs européens et américains (qui forment le quatrième livre)
Boiga multomaculata
No full textBoiga multomaculata Dipsas multomaculata was described by Heinrich Boie’s elder brother Friedrich (1789–1870), in Latin and German (Boie 1827), and published in the year of Heinrich’s death. It has been suggested that Friedrich Boie attributed his description to H. Boie’s (1823 –1825) “Erpétologie de Java ” (Wallach et al. 2014). The latter work was never published and names proposed therein are considered unavailable for the purposes of nomenclature, according to the International Code of Zoological Nomenclature (ICZN 1999; ICZN 2012), hereafter referred to as “the Code”. However, F. Boie does not actually cite his brother’s unpublished work in his D. multomaculata species account. Rather he cites the Prussian-born Dutch pharmacist and botanist Caspar Georg Carl Reinwardt (1773–1854), yet no Reinwardt 1825 paper describing this taxon exists and it must be assumed that F. Boie was the person who introduced this binomen. Since Boie does attribute the taxon name to Reinwardt the degree of his involvement must therefore be determined. If Reinwardt just contributed the name with the specimen the citation would be Dipsas multomaculata F. Boie, 1827, but if he contributed both the name and a description of sorts, then the citation should be Dipsas multomaculata Reinwardt in F. Boie, 1827 (Aaron Bauer, pers. comm.). It would appear that the first scenario is correct (see also David & Vogel 1996:21). Thus, the author citation is F. Boie, 1827 not Reinwardt in F. Boie, 1827 because F. Boie attributes the name to Reinwardt but not the description. Schlegel (1826:238) also attributes the description of Dipsas multomaculata to Reinwardt when he writes „Gen. DIPSAS Laur. Cuo, Esp. …… Col. multimaculatus (sic) Reinw. N. esp. …” There is nothing in F. Boie’s account to suggest he referred to his brother’s unpublished manuscript for his description of D. multomaculata. However, the comparison of H. Boie´s manuscript part for “ Dipsas multimaculata ” and Friedrich Boie’s (1827) text on “[Dipsas] multomaculata ”, which we regard as the original description, shows, that the latter is a verbatim copy of H. Boie´s manuscript with the exception of the different spelling of the species name and the reference to images which depict this species in earlier classical works. The primary types of this taxon have been stated to be unlocated (Nguyen et al. 2009; Uetz et al. 2019), as deposited in “RMNH” (Iskandar & Colijn 2002) or listed with incorrect quantity, syntype composition, and collectors (Wallach et al. 2014). They are actually present in the collection of the Naturalis Biodiversity Center (formerly Rijksmuseum van Natuurlijke Histoire, Leiden, Netherlands) and have been examined by one of the authors (FT). The enquiries in Leiden by FT and MOS revealed that H. Boie wrote his manuscript between 1823 and 1825, i.e., before his departure for Java. However, this also means that the material he and Macklot collected on Java between June 1826 and September 1827 (= RMNH 978a+b) was not available to him when he wrote his manuscript. Thus, material used for the description must have already been in the Leiden collection. Therefore, only material that was previously collected by Kuhl and van Hasselt or Reinwardt would have been available to him and are very likely the specimens listed under RMNH 979. The material collected by H. Boie and Macklot (RMNH 978a+b) could never have been part of the type series of D. multomaculata because F. Boie (1827) added nothing new to his brother’s text. It has to be noted that the order of the inventory numbers does not relate to the order of accession into the Leiden collection. A specimen (i.e., ZMB 2642) in the collection of the Museum für Naturkunde Berlin very likely also belonged to the original type series of D. multomaculata. According to a letter dated “Leyden, 2 nd April 1825 ” (preserved in the Dept. of Historical Research of Berlin Museum, Acta Sign. ZM, Dr. Temminck, Leyden, 1818), Heinrich Boie wrote to Martin Hinrich Carl Lichtenstein (1780–1857, Director of the ZMB at that time) and offered him beside many other specimens from Java under list number “38” a specimen of “ Dipsas multimaculata ” for the price of 1 [Reichsthaler]. The same specimen appeared with the same number and same price in a list written by Lichtenstein documenting the arrival of the objects with the following title [translation by us]: „List of the objects sent by Mr. Temminck from Leyden and arrived at the Museum [Berlin] on 9 March 1826 “. These hitherto unnoticed documents suggest that the specimen of D. multomaculata offered by H. Boie to the Berlin Museum in April 1825 must have belonged to the original type series and was probably collected by Kuhl and Van Hasselt and available to H. Boie when he worked on his manuscript. In addition, the scalation values of ZMB 2642 are within the variation given by H. Boie in his manuscript. The main reason why this specimen has not been considered as a type specimen so far is probably the fact that it is linked only to Coenraad Jacob Temminck (director of the Rijksmuseum van Natuurlijke Historie, Leiden and treasurer of the Dutch East India Company) who is cited as the donor in the Berlin Museum inventory catalogue and no one had previously evaluated the associated correspondence. Only RMNH 979 (a jar which contains six specimens) and the specimen later sent to the Zoologisches Museum Berlin were available for H. Boie’s manuscript. Of the six specimens under RMNH 979 only specimen b, d, e and f (all females) fit the scalation data of H. Boie (manuscript) and F. Boie (1827). Thus, in our opinion, the extant syntype series of D. multomaculata F. Boie 1827 consists of ZMB 2642 and four out of the six specimens listed under RMNH 979. The German naturalists Heinrich Boie (1794–1827) and Heinrich Christian Macklot (1799–1832) visited Java between December 1825 and September 1827. Esther Dondorp (Senior Collection Manager) and Karien Lahaise (Naturalis archivist) informed MOS that according to an unpublished manuscript by Marinus Hoogmoed “ H. Boie and Macklot arrived in Java on 6 June 1826. On December 28, 1826 they travelled to Krawang (Tjikao) [now Karawang, a town in West Java regency, Tjikao, now Ci Kao, is a watercourse south of Karawang]. H. Boie died on 4 September 1827 ”. Thus, the dates that both were working in Java together and collected these specimens may therefore be defined more accurately as 6 June 1826 to 4 September 1827. The two were in the employ of the Rijksmuseum voor Natuurlijke Historie (RMNH), as part of the Natuurkundige Commissie voor Nederlandsche Indie (Commission for Natural Sciences of the East Indies). In all documents (letters and manuscript) from H. Boie’s hand and publications based on H. Boie’s manuscript or written notifications by him (e.g., Schlegel 1826 and 1827) the spelling “ multimaculata ” is used exclusively. This also applies to the Leiden catalogue entries. Although this is to be taken as a clear expression of his will, we have to accept Friedrich Boie´s (1827) “ multomaculata ”, since the latter is responsible for the valid introduction of the name in the sense of the Code, Art. 50.1. This is also in line with the statements of David & Vogel (1996:21). Numerous authors erroneously referred to this species as Dipsas multimaculatus or D. multimaculata (e.g., Duméril et al. 1854b; Duméril et al. 1854a; Theobald 1868b; Boulenger 1890), and this misspelling of multomaculata as multimaculatus would continue when Boulenger (1896) placed the rear-fanged Asian cat snakes into the resurrected Dipsadomorphus, and even when they were transferred to Boiga by Smith (1923). In recent years most authors have been careful to use F. Boie’s correct spelling Boiga multomaculata. A number of obscure names have been proposed as synonyms of B. multomaculata. Wallach et al. (2014) suggested Coluber aldrovandi Merrem, 1820, to be a synonym of this taxon. However, reading Merrem´s description (1820:125) it becomes obvious that it is not even a Boiga because some of the main characters noted by Merrem, e.g., keeled scales, head pointedly rounded, and the absence of a loreal scale are not characteristic for this genus. Also the values for ventrals (121) and subcaudals (49) of Merrem´s aldrovandi are far outside the range of B. multomaculata (see Table 1). Their action to declare Dipsas multomaculata a nomen protectum with priority over “ Coluber aldrovandi ” is therefore obsolete. Furthermore, Merrem´s taxon was not described in the combination with the genus name Coluber but with „ Natrix “. The name “ Natrix sturmii ” is based on an unpublished manuscript dated around 1825 by Johann Georg Wagler (1800–1832) (pers. comm. Van Wallach 17 March 2022) and is considered nomen ineditum because it was not been properly published according to the Code. Rudolf Emil Mell (1878–1970) was a German school-teacher and amateur naturalist collector working in China in the early 20 th Century. He returned to Germany in May 1921 and later proposed several subspecies of B. multomaculatus (Mell 1931), i.e., B. m. hainanensis, B. m. indica, and B. m. sikiangensis but these taxa have been considered synonyms of B. multomaculata since their inception (e.g., Pope 1935; Bourret 1936; Smith 1943). Whereas the syntypes of B. m. sikiangensis are known (i.e. ZMB 49427, 50879, 52642), no type material is known to exist for B. m. hainanensis or B. m. indica. The type localities of B. m. hainanensis (“Hainan”) and B. m. sikiangensis (“Kwangtung (Hongkong)”) are more precise than the one given for B. m. indica (“continental India ”), especially since continental India at that time included Sikkim, Assam, Bengal (including today’s Bangladesh), Burma (Myanmar), and Pakistan. The various author’s copies of this publication that Mell distributed, including the one in the departmental herpetological library at Senckenberg Forschungsinstitut, contain a handwritten correction of B. m. hainanensis to “ sikiangensis Mell”. Presumably, the author had a change of mind regarding his taxon name, but this has no nomenclatorial relevance. As far as we know, Mell never corrected it formally in a subsequent publication and the introduction of the name hainanensis must be regarded as valid published in the sense of the Code. At the time of writing Mell’s subspecies were not listed in the Reptile Database (Uetz et al. 2022).Published as part of Köhler, Gunther, Charunrochana, Panupong Thammachoti, Mogk, Linda, Than, Ni Lar, Kurniawan, Nia, Kadafi, Ahmad Muammar, Das, Abhijit, Tillack, Frank & O'Shea, Mark, 2023, A taxonomic revision of Boiga multomaculata (Boie, 1827) and B. ochracea (Theobald, 1868), with the description of a new subspecies (Squamata, Serpentes, Colubridae), pp. 151-193 in Zootaxa 5270 (2) on pages 152-154, DOI: 10.11646/zootaxa.5270.2.1, http://zenodo.org/record/789695
‘Opting out’? nation, region and locality
No full textThis thesis considers the extent to which the BBC, arguably the nation’s most important cultural institution, attempted to meet its commitment to regional and local broadcasting in one English region, Yorkshire, between 1945 and 1990. The study focuses specifically on the extent to which a distinctive regional culture can be identified within the BBC in Yorkshire and how this changed over time while also considering how BBC programme makers both engaged with and represented the audience and the extent to which they attempted to foster place-related identity.
The years 1945 to 1990 included the relaunching of English regional broadcasting at the end of World War Two, the arrival of television in the North and a redefinition of the BBC’s non-metropolitan broadcasting at the end of the 1960s with the creation of a new BBC television region based at Leeds and the launch of BBC local radio. Prior to, and then alongside, the establishment of these new services, Leeds-based producers working for the BBC North Region were bringing new voices in drama and entertainment to the attention of the nation. But by 1990 this period of relative regional autonomy and expansion had come to an end and producers of regional programmes had been told they were to focus on news and current affairs. An oral history approach has been employed alongside an analysis of programme material that concentrates on day-to-day local and regional broadcasting - programmes made in the region for the regional audience - going beyond the ‘texts’ to ask why these programmes were made and how they were made. Different aspects of programming are considered (regional television news and features, the early years of local radio) together with BBC cultures and practices
The contribution of William, Lord Armstrong to science and education
Get PDFWilliam George Armstrong (1310-1900) is best remembered as the lawyer turned engineer who revolutionised ordnance during the Crimean War. Nonetheless, 'his researches, his evidence before Royal Commissions and his presidential addresses, (including that to the British Association for the Advancement of Science), are as relevant today as they were last century. Indeed, it could be argued that whereas George and Robert Stephenson were, essentially, men of the Industrial Revolution, Armstrong’s theories are .still appropriate in the space age. Apart from his extensive research into hydraulics and electricity, which greatly advanced the frontiers of science, his contribution to education is considerably more than a mere footnote to his more spectacular achievements. At a time when the men of theory and the men of practice despised each other, Armstrong stood athwart the debate. Instead, he built an educational and industrial complex at Elswick where theory and practice went hand in hand and which became the blue-print for successive Royal Commissions. While others argued for technical education on continental lines, Armstrong upheld the Elswick example. His reluctant involvement in the proposed College of Physical Science in Newcastle upon Tyne is the subject of some debate in this study. Nonetheless, when he was finally convinced of its efficacy, his support was unequivocal. So much so that, after his death, the resultant edifice became Newcastle's abiding memorial to him. Two recent biographies have been used as works of general reference, but the main thesis rests on extensive use of original material. This includes Armstrong's speeches and writings; his evidence before Royal Commissions and the records of the Elswick forks' Mechanics' Institute and Schools. Hitherto, Armstrong's fame has rested on his weapons which destroyed human life. His greatest weapon - his contribution to science and education - which destroyed the 'laissez faire' attitudes of his contemporaries, has been largely ignored. In an endeavour to redress the balance, this study has been attempted
The fellowship of St.Diogo : new Christian judaisers in Coimbra in the early 17th century
Get PDFDr Antonio Homem was a respected teacher in the University of Coimbra, a Canon in the Cathedral and an illustrious scholar. He was also the heir of a long Jewish family tradition. His great-great-grand father lived and died as a Jew. His great-grandfather, his grandmother and two of his uncles were among his relatives to have been sentenced
as judaisers by the Inquisition. His own father kept the Law of Moses, and taught it to all his children, without the knowledge of his wife, an Old Christian of noble lineage.
His concern for the situation of the New Christians in Portugal eventually made him build up a congregation of judaisers, which he called the Fellowship of St Diogo as a tribute to a Capuchin friar who had been executed a few years earlier as an apostate and defender of the Jewish Law. His congregation grew to include over sixty people,
including clerics, physicians, lawyers and students, as well as merchants and farmers. Its leader gave it a corpus of doctrine and eventually a distinctive liturgy, which showed influence from the Catholic Church. The Fellowship also inspired the creation of judaiser conventicles
in three major Monasteries in the Coimbra district, where a relatively large number of nuns held cult meetings and paid homage to Friar Diogo as a martyr of the Law of Moses.
After several years of activity, the Fellowship was investigated and dismantled by the Inquisition. Most of its members were arrested and sentenced. Dr AntOnio Homem was himself taken into custody, charged with heresy and apostasy, as well as sodomy (he was a known paederast), and finally handed over to the secular arm for execution.
His dream of building up a judaiser community in Coimbra was shattered. The Fellowship members who survived either left the country and joined the orthodox Jewish communities in the Netherlands and elsewhere, or stayed in Portugal and gradually lost their Jewish consciousness. Descendants
of some of them can still be found near Coimbra
Prize the doubt : the life and work of Francis William Newman.
Get PDFAvailable from British Library Document Supply Centre- DSC:DX180157 / BLDSC - British Library Document Supply CentreSIGLEGBUnited Kingdo
