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    Gian Luigi De Rosa, Francesca Bianchi, Antonella De Laurentiis, and Elisa Perego (eds.). 2014. Translating humor in audiovisual texts

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    review of Gian Luigi De Rosa, Francesca Bianchi, Antonella De Laurentiis, and Elisa Perego (eds.). 2014. Translating humor in audiovisual text

    Le inaspettate elezioni britanniche del 2017

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    The article is divided into two parts. In the first, the Fixed Term Parliaments Act 2011 and its application are examined, with particular attention to the first case of approval of a dissolution motion by the House of Commons. According to the Author, the 2011 Act limited the Government's advantage in calling general elections. Indeed in 2017, although the parliamentary majority supported the First Minister decision to go to the polls, Theresa May has been obliged to appeal to Parliament for the dissolution of the lower Chamber. The second part analyses the controversial results of 2017 general elections. After the vote, the political and institutional system is agitated by many uncertainties. On the one hand, the turnout was high, as did the popular consensus for the two main parties, which succeeded in neutralising UKIP. On the other hand, the Conservative Party lost the majority of seats in the House of Commons and was forced to form a minority government (supported by DUP); the Labour Party did not suffer the burning defeat that polls predicted, but remained the country's second party. From the institutional point of view, the Brexit referendum resulted in an enhancement of the Executive branch, leading the Brexit negotiations, but which is weakened by the difficulties arising at international level and by territorial tensions reactivated by 2016 popular vote

    Le inaspettate elezioni britanniche del 2017

    Full text link
    The article is divided into two parts. In the first, the Fixed Term Parliaments Act 2011 and its application are examined, with particular attention to the first case of approval of a dissolution motion by the House of Commons. According to the Author, the 2011 Act limited the Government's advantage in calling general elections. Indeed in 2017, although the parliamentary majority supported the First Minister decision to go to the polls, Theresa May has been obliged to appeal to Parliament for the dissolution of the lower Chamber. The second part analyses the controversial results of 2017 general elections. After the vote, the political and institutional system is agitated by many uncertainties. On the one hand, the turnout was high, as did the popular consensus for the two main parties, which succeeded in neutralising UKIP. On the other hand, the Conservative Party lost the majority of seats in the House of Commons and was forced to form a minority government (supported by DUP); the Labour Party did not suffer the burning defeat that polls predicted, but remained the country's second party. From the institutional point of view, the Brexit referendum resulted in an enhancement of the Executive branch, leading the Brexit negotiations, but which is weakened by the difficulties arising at international level and by territorial tensions reactivated by 2016 popular vote

    Le procedure di controllo

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    Il saggio si inserisce nella riflessione della dottrina sulla forma di governo regionale all'indomani delle novelle costituzionali del 1999 e del 2001. L'Autore dapprima ricostruisce il fondamento costituzionale del controllo consiliare sul Presidente della Giunta e sulla Giunta e, in seconda battuta, esamina i caratteri della disciplina del controllo consiliare contenuta negli statuti regionali e nei regolamenti consiliari di seconda generazione, dedicando una particolare attenzione ai settori del controllo consiliare che hanno ricevuto (o che avrebbero dovuto ricevere) impulso nel rinnovato quadro istituzionale: la verifica sull'attuazione del programma di governo; il controllo sulle nomine di competenza della Giunta; il controllo sulla conclusione degli atti pattizi ex art. 117, nono comma, cost.; il controllo sull'attuazione delle leggi e delle politiche regionali; le prerogative dell'opposizione. L'analisi svolta consente di formulare tre considerazioni conclusive: a) la maggioranza delle Regioni tende a ricalcare i meccanismi del controllo consiliare di tipo tradizionale, già contemplati dagli statuti del 1970, piuttosto che innovare le modalità di esercizio della funzione; b) pur in presenza di un generale riconoscimento di prerogative ad appannaggio delle minoranze consiliari non sono mature le condizioni politiche per introdurre un trattamento differenziato a favore della più grande minoranza; c) strumenti di controllo con finalità specifiche, pensati e disciplinati per raggiungere obiettivi (conoscitivi) circostanziati fanno timidamente il loro ingresso in alcune carte statutarie: le previsioni relative al controllo sulle nomine di competenza della Giunta risultano insoddisfacenti, mentre apprezzabili e innovative sono quelle riguardanti l'istituzioni di commissioni ad hoc in aree dallo spiccato contenuto tecnico e il controllo sull'attuazione delle leggi e la valutazione degli effetti delle politiche regionali

    Ripensando i sistemi Westminster

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    The article examines the changes taking place in the Westminster parliamentary systems of the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand analyzing the deviations from the model of majoritarian democracy designed by Arendt Lijphart concerning the party system, the features of the constitution and the relationship between Parliament and Government. The article shows the ongoing downsizing of hyper-majoritarian trends of Westminster parliamentary government in the balance of powers between Parliament and the Government
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