1,721,054 research outputs found
Are we gaining or losing ground? Dynamic perceptions of public opinion influence willingness to speak out and participate in land use conflicts
Full text linkUsing an Italian land use conflict on the building a high-speed
railway (HSR) as case study, we analyzed how perceived changes
in public opinion influence (a) people’s willingness to speak out,
and (b) subsequently their intentions to engage in action (N = 311).
Regardless of whether they were on the majority or minority side of
the conflict, citizens’ willingness to speak out was positively asso-
ciated with their perceptions that their position was becoming
more or less widespread within public opinion, especially among
participants with extreme attitudes toward the HSR. Willingness to
speak out about the HSR mediated the relation between increasing
support discrepancy and intention to participate in the conflict.
Strengths, limitations and implications are discussed
Personal experiences with the national healthcare system and institutional trust in times of COVID-19
Full text linkWe conducted two studies to analyze the relations between dissatisfaction with experiences with the national healthcare system and trust in political (political parties and parliament), super partes (judiciary and police), and international (European Union [EU] and United Nations [UN]) institutions via the mediation of trust in the national healthcare system. Study 1 (longitudinal study on a quota sample of the Italian adult population, N = 689, surveyed in April 2021, T-1, and in April 2022, T-2) showed that dissatisfaction with experiences with the national healthcare system was negatively associated with trust in the national healthcare system, which, in turn, was positively associated with an increase in trust in political, super partes, and international institutions. Study 2 (between-participant experimental design, N = 285) showed that priming a negative versus a positive experience with the national healthcare system decreased trust in this system, which, in turn, was positively associated with trust in political, super partes, and international institutions. The strengths, limitations, and possible development of this research are discussed
Non nel mio giardino? Perché è importante prendere sul serio i movimenti Nimby
No full textI No Tav in Val di Susa, i No Ponte in Sicilia, i No Discarica a Chiaiano (Napoli), i No Dal Molin a Vicenza sono solo alcuni dei movimenti, sempre più presenti nelle cronache locali e nazionali, con cui si confrontano politici e comuni cittadini. Sono gruppi di facinorosi violenti o oscurantisti ed egoisti pronti a tutto per difendere il loro pezzo di terra a scapito del bene comune? Sono davvero contro il «progresso»? Questo volume propone una lettura nuova dei movimenti di protesta Nimby (acronimo dell’espressione inglese Not in my backyard, «Non nel mio giardino», con cui si indicano le opposizioni locali a opere sgradite) e ne mette in luce gli aspetti sia positivi sia negativi. Una imparziale e onesta analisi di un fenomeno socialmente pregnante, non liquidabile con un semplicistico giudizio pro o contro
When a woman asks a sexist constituency to be voted: was Giorgia Meloni’s gender an advantage, a disadvantage or an irrelevant factor in the 2022 Italian general election?
Full text linkIn this study, we investigated whether Giorgia Meloni’s gender was an advantage, a disadvantage or an irrelevant factor in the 2022 Italian general election. Using datasets from two election surveys conducted with two quota samples of the adult Italian population, Ns = 1,572 (ITANES dataset) and 1,150 (COCO dataset), we predicted the vote in the election as a function of participants’ gender, beliefs about gender and their interaction, controlling for the key sociodemographic and political variables. Two multinomial logistic regression revealed that gender and beliefs about gender were neither additively nor multiplicatively associated with the vote. We therefore conclude that Meloni’s gender did not affect the outcome of the 2022 Italian general electio
The dark side of pursuing self-esteem and identity: Socio-cognitive biases in conflicts over Locally Unwanted Land Uses
No full textLeft and right in the age of populism: has the populist zeitgeist permeated citizens’ representation of ideological labels?
No full textThis article explores whether the current populist zeitgeist has changed the social representation of the political labels ‘left’ and ‘right’ in terms of their relevance, understanding and meaning. We merged two post-electoral quota samples of the Italian adult population. The first (N = 1,377) was collected in 2006 by the ITANES research group, the second in 2019 (N = 1,504) for this study. We analysed the relevance of left and right in politics as the frequency with which participants placed themselves on the left–right axis; its understanding as the frequency with which participants answered at least one of two open-ended questions about the meaning of such categories, and the meaning participants gave to left and right in politics through content analysis of their responses to the open-ended questions above. From 2006 to 2019, the relevance and understanding of left and right declined. In terms of meanings, references to the traditional elements of left and right became less common, while references to specific leaders, and the notion of ‘left’ and ‘right’ in politics no longer making sense, became more widespread; moreover, none of the other populist categories significantly changed their frequency. This study expands the scope of the previous research on this topic also by identifying the critical role that political interest plays in the changes on which we have focused. Strengths, limitations and implications of the study are discussed
La rilevazione empirica dell’Autoritarismo. Un adattamento italiano della scala di Funke (2005)
No full textLavorando su un campione composto da 801 partecipanti (F = 635; età media = 24.78 anni), abbiamo condotto un'analisi fattoriale confermativa di un adattamento italiano della scala RWA3D di Funke, volta a rilevare l'autoritarismo di destra come costrutto tridimensionale costituito da sottomissione autoritaria, aggressività autoritaria e convenzionalismo. Il fit più soddisfacente è stato ottenuto da un modello a tre fattori correlati in cui abbiamo controllato l'errore di metodo dovuto all'ordinamento semantico degli item. Tale modello è risultato invariante fra i generi. Ciononostante, le elevatissime correlazioni fra i tre fattori sostantivi suggeriscono una certa cautela nel considerare genuinamente tridimensionale la scala
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