370 research outputs found
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Comments on: Lyman, Lee R. 2009. “Review of Artifact Classification: A Conceptual and Methodological Approach, by Dwight Read” Journal of Anthropological Research 65:111-113
A good book review provides documentation for its evaluations, especially when they are either very positive or very negative. A good review is also faithful to what the author has written and bases criticisms or praise on accurate paraphrasing or quotes from the book. This review by Lyman fails on both accounts. Critical comments are not documented and the review is based on what Lyman imagines Read to have written, not what Read actually wrote
Dwight W. Morrow when Ambassador to Mexico 1927-30
Dwight W. Morrow when Ambassador to Mexico 1927-30, b&w. Notes on back read: Dwight W. Morrow, Ambassador Mexico.https://mds.marshall.edu/morrow_family_papers/1005/thumbnail.jp
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THE READ-LEHMAN LETTERS ON KINSHIP MATHEMATICS
Following the publication of the letter from Dwight Read, (see “New Results: The Logic of Older/Younger Sibling Terms in Classificatory Terminologies” in MACT Letters, November 9 2004) Kris Lehman (F. K. L. Chit Hlaing) responded to that letter. Together Professors Read and Lehman then agreed to compile an exchange, including previous discussions, and have submitted the sequence of letters below to MACT. They offer the exchange both to record some important developments in the mathematical theory of kinship category systems as reflected in their joint work in progress, and to record the way such work develops through technical exchanges
Dwight Morrow, ca. 1930
Dwight Morrow, probably when running for Senator, 1930,, b&w. Notes on back read: Dwight Morrow (1930).https://mds.marshall.edu/morrow_family_papers/1008/thumbnail.jp
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BACK TO KINSHIP III: A GENERAL INTRODUCTION
Back to Kinship III is the third Special Issue of the e-journal, Structure and Dynamics sponsored by the group, Kinship Circle. Each issue is dedicated to current kinship research.There are 5 articles in this Special Issue, covering a wide range of kinship research questions and topics The first two articles, by William Young and Warren Shapiro, respectively, employ ethnographic evidence as the reason for revising previous kinship ideas. The next two articles, by Robert Parkin and Dwight Read, respectively, focus on kinship terminology and revisit theoretical issues. The last article, by Alain Matthey de l’Etang, discusses theorizing by Dwight Read challenging the “received view” of kin terms being derived through a genealogical framework and proposing, in its place, that kin terms are structurally organized through a generative logic for the terminolog
Dwight Morrow and family in Panama 1921-24
Dwight Morrow and family in Panama1921-24, b&w. Notes on back read: Dwight Mrs. Cutter (Betty\u27s Mother) Connie Betty In Panama.https://mds.marshall.edu/morrow_family_papers/1006/thumbnail.jp
Elizabeth Cutter Morrow Aunt Betty wife of Dwight Morrow
Elizabeth Cutter Morrow, Aunt Betty , wife of Dwight Morrow, b&w. Notes on back read: Aunt Betty (Mrs. Dwight Morrow).https://mds.marshall.edu/morrow_family_papers/1002/thumbnail.jp
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A Book Review Made out of Whole Cloth
A good book review provides documentation for its evaluations, especially when they are either very positive or very negative. A good review is also faithful to what the author has written and bases criticisms or praise on accurate paraphrasing or quotes from the book. This review by Thompson fails on both accounts. Critical comments are not documented and the review is based on what Thompson imagines Read to have written, not what Read actually wrote
From Past to Present: The Deep History of Kinship
The term “deep history” refers to historical accounts framed temporally not by the advent of a written record but by evolutionary events (Smail 2008; Shryock and Smail 2011). The presumption of deep history is that the events of today have a history that traces back beyond written history to events in the evolutionary past. For human kinship, though, even forming a history of kinship, let alone a deep history, remains problematic, given limited, relevant data (Trautman et al. 2011). With regard to a deep history, one conjecture is that human kinship evolved from primate social systems in a gradual, more-or-less continuous manner (see Chapais 2008); another conjecture is that kinship, in accordance with the incest account of Claude Lévi-Strauss (1969) or the fanciful, tetradic account of Nicholas J. Allen (1986), “comes into existence with a leap” (Trautman et al. 2011: 176); and yet another, the account to be developed in this paper, is that kinship, as it is understood and lived by culture bearers today, is the consequence of a profound and qualitative evolutionary transformation going from an ancestral primate-like social system predicated on extensive face-to-face interaction to the relation-based social systems that characterize human societies (Read 2012)
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Pottery Production and Social Complexity of the Bronze Age Cultures on the Chengdu Plain, Sichuan, China
This dissertation attempts to explain the organization of pottery production on the ancient Chengdu Plain during the early and middle Bronze Age (ca. 1800-800 BC) and its relationship with social complexity. It investigates the formation of production controls and traditions in different dimensions and at various manufacturing stages of pottery production, and compares and classifies ceramics mainly from three site clusters, Sanxingdui, Shi'erqiao, and Jinsha, using a series of analyses. First, metric measurement and coefficients of variation are used to assess the degree of standardization in vessels and whether the metric dimensions form specific model values. The results suggest that different production loci, while producing the same type of pottery vessels, had varying degrees of production control over these metric dimensions and distinctive concerns about production details. Second, mineralogical and chemical analyses show that, under the same cultural influence, potters in different locations processed and fabricated their generally available raw materials in distinctive fashions and according to unique formulae. If we broaden our point of comparison to the Sichuan Basin and beyond, the cultural idiosyncrasy of these social groups is even clearer, which forces us to consider the circumstances of individual production traditions. The spatial arrangements and use contexts of multiple categories of craft production in these settlements reveal that the production activities of the Chengdu Plain were loosely organized at co-residential households or at the community level in response to local subsistence and social needs. Despite such loose organization and the lack of managing supervision, working groups in different loci interacted to some degree and shared manufacturing ideas. Production norms and traditions, on such occasions, were thus most likely shaped by repetitive practices of routine production procedures, rather than by institutionalized power. The accumulation of local communications allowed these domestic economies to produce intensively and distribute products across a large geographic area, signaling mutual influence across the Chengdu Plain and its neighboring regions. Through this intensive communication, social relations were created, altered, and integrated into complex networks
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