22 research outputs found
De-stalinisation of soviet foreign policy towards Indonesia: reviewing the feasibility of the theory of foreign policy change
No full textThis paper re-evaluates the changing policies of the Soviet Union towards Indonesia during the era of Joseph Stalin and Nikita Khrushchev, by applying the contemporary theory of foreign policy change. After discussing the debates revolving around the theory of foreign policy change from Gustavsson and Hermann, this paper contends that if there were any changes, then the causal factors would likely be the interplay between the domestic factors and international factors, as Putnam has argued. This finding enhances the understanding that the domestic de-Stalinisation process undergone during Khrushchev’s era was not the only factor that might affect Soviet’s foreign policy. By using the case of Indonesia as the representation of the developing countries, the author shows that both sets of factors affected the changing policy. However, author also found that the systemic condition of the Cold War, namely the contestation between the US and USSR, was more influential than the domestic condition. This paper contributes to the deeper understanding of Soviet-Indonesia relations, the effect of domestic de-Stalinisation to foreign policy, and the feasibility of applying current theory of foreign policy change to an historical case
Between the United States and China: Philippines foreign policy in the case of South China Sea
No full textIn 2016 there were several events that could change the Philippines' foreign policy in Southeast Asia. The tensions in the South China Sea were growing since several parties claimed the sea, and there were new presidents elected in the Philippines and the United States. This thesis focuses on the Philippines' strategy in this complicated geopolitical situation between the two great powers, the United States of America and China. The aim of this thesis was to identify how the Philippines respond to the changing geopolitical dynamics in the region after 2016 in the case of the South China Sea and which strategy they are using in their actions. The author explains the situation in the region, defines a small state, and then discusses the potential strategies a small state has in the case. The author set a hypothesis that the Philippines mainly use a hedging strategy to respond to the region's geopolitical dynamics. To test the hypothesis, the author conducted content analysis on the Philippines president Rodrigo Duterte's speeches, statements, interviews, and press conferences between 2016-2020. There were used official sources from the presidential web page. The purpose was to find statements related to the United States, China, or the South China Sea and identify the strategies. The author confirmed the hypothesis. Several strategies were used to maneuver in this complicated geopolitical situation, such as balancing, bandwagoning, hedging, and engaging. According to the theoretical part and Duterte's statements, the main strategy used between 2016-2020 was hedging.https://www.ester.ee/record=b5451257*es
Reassessing Nation-Branding: Danish Public Diplomacy towards Muslim-Majority Countries after the 2005 Cartoon Crisis
No full textThis article reassesses Danish efforts of nation-branding towards Muslim-majority countries after the 2005 Prophet Cartoon Crisis. It disputes Rasmussen &Merkelsen’s (2012) findings regarding the shifting Danish policy to a more brand-conscious policy. This article differentiates reactive crisis diplomacy and a brand-informed policy and finds that Danish policy towards Muslim-majority countries was closer to the principle of reactive crisis diplomacy, rather than a conscious nation-branding. Result from this research could be used as the basis for future research on the idea that nation branding could complement the use of classic diplomacy. As the Danish case has shown, the lack of coordination between governmental and non-governmental actors and the lack of conscious effort on nation branding could negate the possibility of creating a good brand image.</jats:p
Rethinking the relations between identity and foreign policy: analysing Russia’s foreign policy discourse towards China
No full textThis master’s thesis aims to reconstruct Russian identity discourse related to its foreign
policy towards China. Taking the timeline surrounding the crisis in Ukraine and Crimea
(2010-2016), this thesis was based on the background of the rising concept of “pivot to
Asia/East”. Using China as the main actor in Russia’s Asian policy, this thesis tries to
answer the questions regarding the construction of Russia’s identity discourse towards
China and whether the changing Russian policy after Crimea initiate any changing
identity. Based on the poststructuralist approach in foreign policy analysis and the
methods of discourse analysis as offered by Campbell (1990), Waever (2002), and
Hansen (2006), this thesis offers an alternative understanding of the (re)construction of
the identity structure and the intricate relationship between identity and foreign policy.
In using the Hansen’s methods of discourse analysis, this thesis analyses official
speeches and interviews as part of the 1st model of poststructuralist discourse analysis,
and both academic articles and opinions as part of the 2nd model. This thesis finds
several patterns of discursive identity structure. Firstly, concurring with Waever’s
argument, this thesis finds that existing discursive structure created limitations to the
possibility of any changes in Russia’s identity/policy before Crimea. The crisis in
Ukraine did provide some concrete policy changes, but these changes at the outmost
layer of discursive structure were unable to drastically change the identity discourse in
Russia related to China in the post-Crimean timeframe. The effect of this limitation was
the stagnation of concrete policy switch towards China. From those findings, two
important theoretical contributions could be noted. These findings show that there was
the aspect of timeframe which poststructuralist theory of identity/foreign policy change
should take into considerations when analyzing the probability of change or nonchange.
However, this issue did not diminish the usefulness of poststructuralist
approach in deepening the understanding of identity construction and its relations with
foreign policy.http://www.ester.ee/record=b4613221*es
Understanding Indonesia’s Response to Russia’s war in Ukraine:
No full textA Preliminary Analysis of the Discursive Landscap
Water Security as Shared Security Challenges? A Comparison of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan Security Discourse towards the Aral Sea
No full textThis article analyses the water security problems in Central Asia bycomparing Kazakhstan’s and Uzbekistan’s policy regarding the Aral Sea. Asone of the perpetual problem in Central Asia, the condition of freshwaterresources in the Aral Sea has been worsening for the last decades. Efforts bygovernments were isolated and unorganised. Both the Kazakhstan and theUzbek government, which had their own share of the problem, had beenunable to cooperate on this issue. This article tries to elaborate the problem by using the theory on securitisation process, regional security complex, and the patterns of amity-enmity. This research finds that while the amity-enmitypatterns was absent, the differing process of securitisation (in Kazakhstan)and de-securitisation (in Uzbekistan) had forced both states to embark on their own strategies and policies regarding the Aral Sea.</jats:p
De-stalinisation of soviet foreign policy towards Indonesia: reviewing the feasibility of the theory of foreign policy change
No full text
Analysis of Russian Policy on China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) through National Identity
No full text
