341 research outputs found
Rachum, The Emergence of the Term 'Revolution'
No full textILAN RACHUM, Italian Historians and Emergence of the Term ‘Revolution’. 1644-1659, in «History», vol. 80, 1995, n. 259, pp.191-206
RACHUM, The Meaning of "Revolution" in the English Revolution (1648-1660).
No full textILAN RACHUM, The Meaning of "Revolution" in the English Revolution (1648-1660), in «Journal of the History of Ideas», 56, 1995, n°. 2, pp. 195-215
Ilan Fisher papers, undated, circa 1964-2009.
No full textAuthor and photographer Ilan Fisher was born and lives in Sharon, Massachusetts, where he owned Great Impression, a company that provided event videography services. He also contributed columns to the Sharon Advocate and other local publications, and in 2002, his stories were collected in the book The Carnie Kid Tells All. Fisher’s papers primarily contain invitations from events Great Impression recorded, along with a small group of personal papers, much of which is from the 1960s and documents Fisher’s involvement with the Jewish Socialist-Zionist youth group Habonim.Published citations should take the following form: Identification of item, date (if known); Ilan Fisher Papers; P-1013; box number; folder number; American Jewish Historical Society, New York, NY, and Boston, MA.This collection is located at the American Jewish Historical Society located in Boston. For information on accessing collections at AJHS Boston please visit their website at: http://www.ajhsboston.org/index.htm.Donated by Ilan Fisher,Finding Aid available in Reading Room and on Internet
"The Translingual Sensibility: A Conversation Between Steven G. Kellman and Ilan Stavans"
Get PDFDialogue might be the most appropriate medium for reflections on translingualism. In a dialogue conducted by email over the course of ten days, Steven G. Kellman and Ilan Stavans consider the validity and implications of linguistic determinism. Their conversation examines whether some words that seem to embody the unique Weltanschaaung of a particular culture – such as Schadenfreude, duende, or mångata – can be appropriated, if not translated, into another culture. Pondering whether there are any inherent qualities that distinguish texts by monolingual writers such as Jane Austen and William Faulkner from work by authors who switch languages, such as Samuel Beckett and Vladimir Nabokov, they agree on the usefulness of thinking in terms of a translingual sensibility. Apart from the biographical circumstances of the author, a text possesses a translingual sensibility if it embodies an awareness of both the power and the limitations of its own verbal medium
Origins and Historical Significance of Día de la Raza
Get PDF1 Holidays, even when they have no religious background, often appear to us as authentic expressions of old traditions. Notwithstanding, many of the 'national' holidays celebrated today are not older than two hundred years. They reflect the revolutionary nature of politics of the last two centuries, which saw so many new states coming into being. Frequently, these states were post-colonial societies, or what Benedict Anderson termed 'imagined communities' (Anderson 1983). Once they had achieved independence, these states needed more than a governing apparatus, a constitution and armed forces. In addition, they required a necessary array of common symbols that would give their distinct populations a sense of shared nationhood. Hence the inevitable 'national' holidays celebrated on dates when independence was declared, and others commemorating the launching of decisive rebellions, victories in battles, days when constitutions were approved or when heroic leaders were born and died. Día de la Raza is also a comparatively recent holiday, and one obviously related to the post-colonial experience. But in contrast to the typical new-nation holiday, this one was adopted at about the same time by a group of states sharing the same language and cultural heritage (Spain and several Spanish American nations). Moreover, from the very start it was meant on the part of the nations on the western side of the Atlantic to express affection for their former colonial master. On the basis of these broad features alone, it would seem that the new holiday reflected certain contemporary social and cultural trends. Therefore, in tracing its origin one may gain a better understanding of the specific attitudes and values that marked the years when it was established. Día de la Raza or Fiesta de la Raza is Spanish America's celebration of 12 October, the date of the discovery of the Western Hemisphere. It began to take shape in the years during World War I, becoming a fairly established holiday in most countries by the early 1920s. To the sensitive ears and minds of today, rejecting racism, the name of the holiday sounds politically incorrect. In our contemporary world, race is an idea that only groups of the extreme right, standing on the margin of mainstream politics, dare to uphold. It is necessary to stress therefore that in Spanish the word raza carries the meaning of an extended community bound by cultural ties in addition to that of a people belonging to the same stock and carrying similar physical traits. It is true that Spanish American intellectuals frequently employed racist theories during the early years of the twentieth century to explain the political instability and the dismal economic performance of their countries (Stabb 1967, 12-33). But they also used the word raza in a clearly cultural sense. Phrases such as el espíritu de la raza, el alma de la raza, or even la raza española -all were employed at the time in reference to a contended affinity between Spanish-speaking peoples on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. One authority on the climate of ideas in Spain in the early years of the twentieth century recently wrote that the name of the holiday in Spain was influenced by
Origins and Historical Significance of Día de la Raza
Get PDFThis paper traces the launching of a holiday known in the Spanish American nations as Día de la Raza, celebrated on 12 October, date of the discovery of America. It describes how the new holiday took shape in the years 1912 to 1921, and how the circumstances created by World War I hastened its introduction. While the holiday surely signalled a rapprochement with Spain, and was indeed particularly promoted by communities of Spanish immigrants in Cuba, Chile and Argentina, its Spanish American version, as it is claimed here, was also a response to, and a rejection of, the Columbus Day celebration, which had become a prominent event in the civic calendar of the United States some years earlier. By tracing the beginnings of the holiday, we gain a better insight of the cultural as well as the incipient political trends of that period.Resumen: Orígenes y significación histórica del Día de la RazaEn este artículo se traza el origen de una fiesta conocida en la América española como El Día de la Raza y celebrada el 12 de octubre, fecha del descubrimiento de América. Se describe cómo la nueva fiesta tomó cuerpo entre 1912 y 1921, y cómo las circunstancias creadas por la Primera Guerra Mundial apresusaron su introducción. Mientras que la fiesta seguramente significó un acercamiento hacia España y fue en realidad especialmente promovida por las comunidades de inmigrantes españoles de Cuba, Chile y Argentina, su versión española-americana, como creemos, fue también una respuesta y un rechazo de la celebración del Día de Colón, que se había transformado en un acontecimiento importante en el calendario cívico de los Estados Unidos algunos años antes. Al reconstruir los inicios de la fiesta, tendremos un mejor conocimiento de las tendencias culturales y de las incipientes tendencias políticas de ese período
[Book Review] "Understanding street culture: Poverty, crime, youth, and cool" by J. Ilan
No full textIn <i>Understanding Street Culture</i>, Jonathan Ilan analyzes one of the key areas of future concern for young people: how they engage in street culture and the links between street cultural practices and disparate forms of marginality, criminalization, poverty, transgression, and consumerism. Chapter 1 begins with an inquiry into street culture as concept and mode of theorization. The author contends that it is not “a form of ‘resistance’, but rather a posture of defiance” (21). The precise differences between these terms is not very clear, given that the definitions themselves tend to imply one another (resistance meaning refusal to comply and defiance meaning open resistance and disobedience). In the conclusion, however, Ilan does hint at how thinking about street culture as defiance is a more suitable conceptualization than as resistance, which ought to be “reserved for phenomena more overtly political in nature,” suggesting that “street culture generally channels the defiance of exclusion as opposed to practical action towards altering configurations of power” (174). Ilan’s analysis does not, however, elucidate precisely how defiance may be less political. Importantly, street culture is reconceptualized “as a spectrum running from stronger to weaker variants that ultimately provides a similar scheme for understanding the world” (23)
What Do You See in Your Bot? Lessons from KAS Bank
No full textThe introduction of robotic process automation (RPA) has created an opportunity for humans to interact with bots. While the promise of RPA has been widely discussed, there are reports suggesting that firms struggle to benefit from RPA. Clearly, interactions between bots and humans do not always yield expected efficiencies and service improvements. However, it is not completely clear what such human-bot interactions entail and how these interactions are perceived by humans. Based on a case study at the Dutch KAS Bank, this paper presents three challenges faced by humans, and consequently the perspectives humans develop about bots and their abilities to perform work. We then provide a set of five practices that are associated with the management of the interactions between humans and bots.Information and Communication Technolog
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