1,720,979 research outputs found
EU-Russia energy diplomacy: The need for an active strategic partnership. EU Diplomacy Paper 4/2012, July 2012
This paper explains the conflictive and cooperative elements of energy diplomacy
between the European Union (EU) and Russia. It argues that interdependence forms
the underlying principle of this relationship and creates both sensitivity and
vulnerability for the interdependent parties, thus carrying the sperms of both conflict
and cooperation. Both sides would be negatively affected by the other side’s noncooperation
within the current policy framework and the prevailing mistrust and
recurring tensions can be explained by this sensitivity. However, even if both sides’
policies were adjusted, vulnerability interdependence would still prevent them from
seriously reducing their energy cooperation. It is necessary then to see how EU and
Russian energy diplomacy can converge and how their strategic energy partnership
can be cemented
Contesting Greek gas policy:Geopolitical, energy and climate considerations
Three main drivers underlie states’ intent to expand gas supply: energy security, geopolitics and climate goals. Such considerations also drive Greece’s expansive gas policy, but come with significant caveats. First, pipeline politics entails geopolitical costs and inflated anticipated gains. Second, while gas supply has yielded energy security for Greece, its cost-effectiveness is contentious. Third, the gas option obscures the transition to smart, clean energy sources and systems. A rational actor model within a rationalist-weak cognitivist framework can account for Greece’s gas policy. Yet, its limited success points to the need for a clean energy policy promising higher climate, energy and geopolitical gains
Unpacking EU External Energy Governance vis-a-vis Egypt:Contradictions, Geopolitics and Euro-centrism
Energy diplomacy, regulation of the single energy market and the export of this regulatory model to EU’s vicinity govern EU energy affairs. This governance nexus, however, suffers from three distinct shortcomings. This paper addresses these in the context of EU external energy governance vis-à-vis Egypt. Firstly, it highlights how geopolitical rationales blur the commercial logic in pipeline politics, derail gas schemes, and marginalize Egypt despite its pivotal energy role. Secondly, it showcases how the three governance modes contradict each other and add layers of contingencies in EU-Egypt gas trade. Thirdly, it questions EU’s hierarchal approach to Egypt, demonstrating how the EU suffers from a clear misconception of Egypt’s role and interests, and hence fails to tap into Egypt’s gas assets
Anthropocene Geopolitics and Foreign Policy: Exploring the link in the EU case
Scholarly literature has recently developed the notions of Anthropocene geopolitics and planetary security. How these relate to and whether they inform states’ foreign policy, however, remains a largely underdeveloped issue. This article goes some way toward addressing this gap both theoretically and empirically. Theoretically, it unpacks how traditional and Anthropocene geopolitics diverge in their approach toward the security repercussions of climate change and teases out the emanating foreign policy implications. These revolve around different levels of climate ambition, divergent approaches to fossil energy geopolitics, and differing weighting of planetary security versus mainstream geopolitical threats. Against this theoretical background, this article empirically zooms in on the EU case to explore which geopolitical mindset guides EU’s pursuit of climate change concerns and their incorporation in the EU foreign policy design. The analysis finds that, despite its comprehensive foreign climate policy initiatives, the EU remains fixed to a traditional geopolitical mindset and a foreign policy that underappreciates planetary security threats. This article subsequently operationalizes a foreign policy design informed by the Anthropocene geopolitics approach and sketches what it would entail.</p
Re-calibrating the EU energy transition, fostering a more democratic Energy Union
The EU crisis has exposed the vagaries of the top-down, elite-driven, ordo-liberal, technocratic model of European integration and governance that aggravates the EU democratic deficit. In this context, the discussion on the future of EU integration has been framed within the dipole of either fast-track integration, or reversal thereof. A third way argues for a citizen-centred, and hence more democratic, mode of European integration and governance (Nicolaϊdis and Youngs 2014).The energy sector also follows the entrenched top-down integration and governance model, with the proclaimed Energy Union focusing preponderantly on European energy interconnectivity and centralized patterns of energy production, transmission and consumption (Pellerin-Carlin 2017). The energy transition away from fossil fuel-based sources and systems and towards smart, clean energy ones, however, presents significant opportunities for the democratization of energy governance in the EU (Szulecki 2018), thus chiming with calls to reshuffle the European integration project with greater recourse to citizens as co-producers of policy (Youngs 2018). The paper begins with a brief discussion of the internal and external legitimacy aspects of the democratic deficit in the key problematic areas of transparency, representation, participation and accountability, and shows how they also apply to the Union’s energy policy.Section 3 discusses how the energy transition, by involving critical decisions regarding the locations, scales, types and modes of installation of renewable energy generation facilities and transmission infrastructure (Clark, Iles and Jones 2013), can open-up epistemic politics to the public and utilize lay knowledge (Stirling 2008). This way, citizens both co-shape energy policy, and become themselves agents of the energy transition. This mode of governance ensures transparency, representation and participation in energy decision-making, resulting in input legitimacy.Section 4 zooms in on how a citizen-based model of energy transition can both upscale climate policy performance and foster energy security (Proedrou 2018), this way achieving output legitimacy.The conclusion summarizes the potential to recalibrate the EU energy transition towards a more inclusive, transparent and democratic model of integration and governance. Energy policy can thus achieve higher input and output legitimacy, as well as showcase the merits of a citizen-centred model of European integration and governance. <br/
A geopolitical account of the Eastern Mediterranean conundrum:sovereignty, balance of power and energy security considerations
This paper provides a geopolitical lens to explain the evolving tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean. More specifically, it unpacks conceptually how sovereignty, balance of power and energy security concerns drive exploration schemes and forge pipeline politics. First, the discovery of new gas deposits in the Eastern Mediterranean have created significant Turkish challenges to Cypriot, Greek and Egyptian sovereignty. Second, Greece and Cyprus have allied with both Israel and Egypt to balance against Turkey. The designated pipeline infrastructure these countries promote serves to enhance their sovereignty and cement their alliance and joint posturing vis-à-vis Turkey. Third, Russia’s geopolitical assertiveness has led the European Commission to vigorously back gas schemes in the Eastern Mediterranean to enhance energy security, promote diversification and balance against the Russian threat. Together, these three prime objectives account for the evolving conundrum in the region.</p
EU energy security beyond the Ukraine crisis:Towards holistic diversification
The aim of the article is to explore the risks emanating from the EU’s gas security architecture, based on the twin pillars of diversification and enforced interdependence, in the context and aftermath of the crisis in Ukraine. Interdependence with external suppliers has been hit hard by the diversification rhetoric and rationale and given a crucial blow with the fallout in Ukraine and Russia’s opening to the East. Diversification, on the other hand, has added resilience to the EU gas market, but far from ensures the EU’s gas security in the mid- to long-term. The article thus argues that energy security is in need of a broader and more pragmatic understanding of diversification that will critically expand to renewables, energy conservation and efficiency. The pressing sustainability needs add further urgency to the switch from supply- to demand-side energy policies
A public policy approach to climate policy:The case for a de-centralized model of energy transition in the residential sector
Climate policy is distinctively market-driven. Averse to frustrate profit-seeking markets and exclusive of a substantial portion of society, it naturally under performs. In light of this enduring failure, this paper argues for bringing climate change mitigation back to the public policy realm. This warrants a strongly interventionist state role that boils down to the promotion of an inclusive, de-centralized model of energy transition. This consists in a bundled scheme to bring buildings up to the highest energy efficiency standards, procure energy-saving appliances and install renewable energy generation facilities. Rather than reflecting a sustainability-competitiveness conundrum, its implementation requires sound economics and finance. This paper argues for reshuffling sources of finance to alternative energy uses, and monetizing costs and benefits in a holistic way, inclusive of both public goods and protection against higher budgets in other sectors and longer time frameworks. Bundling climate change with healthcare, air quality, energy security and economic prospects conveys a more benign cost-benefit nexus and fortifies the case for treating climate policy as public policy. The policy implications are ground-breaking. First, climate policy becomes inclusive and expansive, lowering emissions significantly. Second, it can reduce costs in other sectors, this way alleviating pressure on public and household budgets. Thirdly, it can rejuvenate economic activity. Fourthly, it can serve as a stimulus to lower classes plagued by energy poverty, economic strains and a sticky labour market. Fifthly, it debunks and puts to rest myths of efficient energy markets vs. impotent states, opening up possibilities for a denser public policy agenda. <br/
A new framework for EU energy security:Putting sustainability first
The EU energy strategy is hard-poised to ensure energy security for the Union, mainly due to its fixation on fossil energy imports. This paper argues that energy security can holistically be addressed only in case sustainability becomes a priority goal. Such a re-conceptualisation does not only pave the way for a radical restructuring of the energy systems in Europe that can cater for the EU’s energy needs in a sustainable way, but also theorises energy as a scarce resource that hence should be highly priced. On the basis of a thorough ecological tax reform, energy prices can convey accurate signals to households and enterprises and allow for a smooth function of the economy that is today frequently upset by energy price hikes and slumps. The paper aims to make a timely contribution to the current debate on the shape and priorities of the Energy Union by making a strong case for a re-ordering of priorities in EU energy strategy
Addressing the climate policy gap in Wales
This report addresses the climate policy gap in Wales. It draws from the author’s expertise and decade-long interdisciplinary research on energy and climate policy, energy transitions and ecological economics, as well as from his participation in themulti-million, EU-funded WiseGRID project on smart grids. The report is also based on a thorough scrutiny of the Welsh political and climate policy context and existing legislative framework, the work of the National Assembly for Wales Climate Change, Environment and Rural Affairs Committee, the Welsh Government’s related policy documents, including the most recent Prosperity for All: A low carbon Wales, and the UK Committee on Climate Change advice and reports, including the very recent report Net Zero: The UK’s contribution to stopping global warming. The report contributes insights and conceptualisations of the climate change challenge and itsinteraction with other key political and policy priorities, and sources evidence and best practices from around the world.After mapping the current policy framework, the report argues for bolder climate targets in line with climate science and proportionate carbon budgets to the effect of carbon neutrality before 2050. This advice is premised upon the strong legal grounds of the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015, compelling economic arguments regarding the costs of climate inaction and the merits of front-loaded action, and developing political grounds emanating from civil society pressure and the need for a more pivotal role for the state.The report elaborates on the co-benefits of an ambitious climate policy, and provides ample evidence and global best practices that can be utilised in Wales. It also discusses Welsh climate policy within the broader growth paradigm Wales follows, and sets out different energy transition pathways. The report also recalibrates current policy schemes and proposals on the table. More specifically, it qualifies the need for an energy company for Wales, and delineates the role and the tasks it could play, and looks into the potential for rendering the Zone Demarcation Scheme more engaging with local communities/ citizens. Caught within the current Brexit conundrum, the report also points at a number of implications Brexit can bear for Welsh climate policy
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