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Il ‘raccolto’ di da-wo (KN F(2) 852) e la misura di superficie GRA nel regno miceneo di Cnosso
No full textThis paper examines the Linear B tablet KN F(2) 852, which represents a source of
exceptional value for highlighting the agricultural strategies carried out by the Knossos palace
in LM IIIA2, and contributes to a clarifi cation of the topography of the western Messara.
Drawing on the information that this tablet provides, it is possible to argue for an
identifi cation of the unity GRA, even if the latter can only be exclusively referred to Crete
because of probable variation at a regional Mycenaean level. After taking into account
information referring to harvests and yields of land in the Messara in both the Venetian
period and the early twentieth century, a ratio of 1 : 5 and a harvest of 800-900 l/ha is
proposed as a medium value. Consequently, a seed density of 160-180 l/ha and a GRA unity
ranging between 0.53 and 0.60 ha can be inferred. The exceptional size of the da-wo harvest,
which is the only one in the Knossos archives and in the wider Mycenaean world to exceed
1,000 unities of GRA, should be emphasized. In fact, F(2) 852 is an exceptional registration
and cannot consequently be used to determine the farming economy of the other Mycenaean states, let alone Pylos, in the archive of which the harvest tablets are not attested
La corona di Damarete (Diod. XI 26,3): per una storia della tradizione
No full textThe article deals with a celebrated passage of Diodorus Siculus, where the gift of a golden crown to queen Damarete of Syracuse is mentioned. The author considers this passage in the light of other references to golden crowns, concluding that Diodorus makes reference to an amount of gold and not a jewel
I due pithoi globulari di Haghia Triada e la cronologia della "Casa dei vani aggiunti progressivamente"
No full textTwo globular pithoi were discovered inside Casa VAP at Haghia Triada. In the light of recent discoveries of similar vessels at other Cretan sites, the author proposes to date them to middle of LM IIIB and considers them part of the layer of abandonment of the settlement
LINEARE B KI-TA-NO E L΄INDUSTRIA TESSILE A KNOSSOS IN ETÀ MICENEA
Full text linkThe interpretation of the Linear B term ki-ta-no, which is uniquely attested in the tablets belonging to the set Ga(5) at Knossos, has been much debated since the decipherment of Linear B and is still contentious. In this paper, the texts registering this term are analyzed anew and their major peculiarities are highlighted. Moreover, drawing on former studies by E. Foster and on a comparative analysis of the Linear B texts from Pylos referring to linen textiles and the SA commodity, a new interpretation is put forward, according to which ki-ta-no would represent the Mycenaean adaptation of the Minoan term for flax, possibly attested on a Linear A inscription incised on a pithos from Petras Sitias. If accepted, this identification would imply that flax bundles were measured by volume in litres at both Knossos and Pylos, rather than being weighed, as was formerly believed
“Nelle tasche dei marinai. Le monete siciliane da Anticitera e il commercio di opere d’arte in età tardo-repubblicana
No full textThis paper focuses on the bronze coins of Catana and Panormus retrieved from the Antikythera shipwreck, which were recently published in the catalogue of the exhibition held at the National Archaeological Museum at Athens in 2012. They belong to a group of about forty coins, most of which were too worn to be conclusively identified. Unlike the silver hoard of Cistophori found onboard, which seems to attest to the presence of a passenger originating in Asia Minor, such bronze coins no doubt represent the argent de poche that a member of the crew accepted as small change at the harbour–towns that the ship had called at on its previous journeys. Therefore, the light they can shed on the Antikythera shipwreck is twofold. On the one hand, since the Catana coins are only attested one more time in the Aegean area, namely at the island of Delos, their presence onboard can be considered a further clue of a connection between the ship and Delos. That the former journeys of the ship included the harbours of East Sicily is hinted at by the local discovery of several ceramic classes retrieved onboard (e.g., Eastern Sigillata Ware). On the other hand, both the Catana coins carry the representation of two mythic figures on one side, named eusebeis or pii
fratres, who became a popular symbol of piety comparable to Aeneas during the 2nd and 1st century BC. Scholars put forward different dating for such coins, ranging from as early as the beginning of the 2nd century BC to as late as the mid–1st century BC. The Antikythera wreck safely attests to their circulation in ca. 70–60 BC. By drawing on the economical, religious, and political connotations of the representation of Dionysus on the other side of the Catana coins, the author contends that they were minted in the last quarter of the 2nd century BC
Pregare insieme, libare da soli. I vasi capovolti tra rituale individuale e comunitario nella Creta minoica
No full textThis article reviews and reinterpret the evidence concerning the ritual of inverting vessels on the ground of sites in Bronze Age Cret
S.E. Iakovidis, The Mycenaean Acropolis of Athens, Athens 2006: The Archaeological Society at Athens Library 206
No full textRecensione delle edizione aggiornata e tradotta in inglese della mongorafia di Iakovidis sull'Acropoli di Atene nell'Età del bronz
I tripodi dei Dinomenidi e la decima dei Siracusani
No full textIl presente articolo si occupa dei tripodi offerti
dai Dinomenidi nel santuario di Apollo a Delfi, e
della documentazione epigrafica e della
tradizione letteraria ad essi relativa. Dato che
crediamo che non sia possibile ritrovare nelle
fonti elementi a favore di una contemporaneità
delle due dediche, ci sembra verosimile datare il
tripode di Gelone al 480/478 a.C., e ipotizzare
un rifacimento della fondazione del donario,
fatto al tempo della dedica di Ierone (469/468
a.C.) e mirato a riunire entrambi i tripodi
nell’ambito di un unico monumento votivo.
Si ritiene comunemente che Gelone abbia
offerto un tripode del peso di sedici talenti attici
d’oro; tuttavia, confrontando il passo di Diodoro
che riporta questa notizia con le iscrizioni
ateniesi relative alla concessione di corone d’oro
– in particolare IG I3 102 – si pu‰ concludere
che lo storico siciliano fa riferimento al valore, e
non al peso, dell’anathema, espresso in argento,
secondo una ratio di 1:15. Il tripode di Gelone
pesava dunque un talento attico e quattro mine
e, con ogni probabilità, quello di Ierone era di
poco più pesante (un talento e sette mine). Su
questa base, è possibile proporre due nuove
integrazioni dell’iscrizione conservata in modo
frammentario sulla base di quest’ultimo.
L’esistenza di un altro o di altri due tripodi,
offerti dai due Dinomenidi insieme ai fratelli
Trasiboulos e Polyzelos è stata a lungo
dibattuta. L’epigramma dell’Antologia Palatina
(VI, 214) attribuito a Simonide, è considerato da
molti studiosi un falso dell’età ellenistica o
imperiale. In questo lavoro, noi proponiamo una
nuova interpretazione del componimento,
secondo la quale esso testimonia l’offerta di un
tripode aureo del peso di circa 10 kg in un
santuario siracusano, molto probabilmente
l’Apollonion. Il confronto con le iscrizioni votive
dell’età arcaica, in cui l’offerta è definita come
ergon, argyriou, choriou dekaten, e con quelle
in cui compare il sintagma apo dekates o
dekates permette di tradurre l’espressione “tas
dekatas dekatan” dell’epigramma con “offerta
tratta dalla decima”. Questa espressione trova
un significativo riscontro in un proverbio che
menziona la “decima dei Siracusani”, indicando
in questo modo una ricchezza piuttosto ingente.
Proprio questo epigramma potrebbe essere
all’origine del detto popolare.
Proponiamo, infine, un’interpretazione ‘politica’
della scelta di Ierone di unire la propria dedica a
quella del fratello. Ierone si sarebbe presentato
ai Greci come unico successore legittimo di
Gelone, contrapponendo il proprio tripode
all’Auriga offerto dal tiranno di Gela Polyzalos
A. Pontrandolfo, Egialea. Ricerche nella valle del Kryos, Scuola Archeologica Italiana di Atene, Atene 2016
No full textScavi e ricerche topografiche in Egiale
Plutarco, IG II2 1665 e la topografia del Cinosarge
No full textThe purpose of this paper is to examine the history and the topography of the Kynosarges. In particular, we argue the idea of the existence of a caesura of more than three centuries in the history of the gymnasium, and the possibility that two distinct buildings existed in different times. Strabo and Plutarch’s testimonies, on the contrary, allow us to hypothesize the existence of a single building, which has been restored and enlarged under emperor Hadrian. The Roman peristyle discovered during the excavations of 1896-97 E of the Sounion road is still the best candidate for the identification of the building, at least from the 1st century A. D. onward. Instead, from the excavation reports we can infer that the so-called archaic gymnasium W of the road can’t be identified with the building destroyed by Philip V in 200 B. C., because it was abandoned not later than 225 B.C.. IG II2 1665 doesn’t provide topographical details in order to identify the site of the Herakleion; however, it is possible to imagine that the sanctuary lied in the zone of the “Windmill hill”, or, in any case, not far from the Themistoklean walls
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