397 research outputs found
Ornamental traditions in the Eastern Adriatic: Upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic personal adornments from Vela Spila (Croatia)
No full textThis paper advances the current knowledge on past foragers’ ornamental traditions by comparing the Late Upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic personal adornments from the southeastern Mediterranean, with a particular focus on the site of Vela Spila (Korcula island, Croatia). The assemblages we discuss here date from c. 19,500–8150cal BP, with occupational evidence both before and after the Pleistocene–Holocene transition in the region. The assemblages from Vela Spila comprise one of the largest and richest records of prehistoric personal ornamentation in Southeastern Europe. Our analysis has allowed us to reconstruct changing traditions and technologies of social expression and symbolism in the Adriatic during a crucial period of social, technological, and environmental transition. In particular, our data reveal an apparent shift in ornamental traditions and technologies from the Late Palaeolithic, when diverse marine and terrestrial raw materials were collected and modified to make ornaments, to the Mesolithic, when a single marine gastropod was used exclusively. When these results are contextualised and compared across the Adriatic region, and, more broadly, at sites throughout southeastern Europe, Vela Spila appears unique in its significance as a procurement and processing centre for one important type of Mesolithic ornament, Columbella rustica. The repeatedly and exclusive selection of this marine gastropod to make ornaments during the Mesolithic seems to be a clue that it was fundamentally important for the construction and maintenance of identity and personhood
First epigravettian ceramic figurines from Europe (Vela Spila, Croatia)
No full textRecent finds of 36 ceramic artifacts from the archaeological site of Vela Spila, Croatia, offer the first evidence of ceramic figurative art in late Upper Palaeolithic Europe, c. 17,500–15,000 years before present (BP). The size and diversity of this artistic ceramic assemblage indicate the emergence of a social tradition, rather than more ephemeral experimentation with a new material. Vela Spila ceramics offer compelling technological and stylistic comparisons with the only other evidence of a developed Palaeolithic ceramic tradition found at the sites of Pavlov I and Dolní V?stonice I, in the Czech Republic, c. 31,000–27,000 cal BP. Because of the 10,000-year gap between the two assemblages, the Vela Spila ceramics are interpreted as evidence of an independent invention of this technology. Consequently, these artifacts provide evidence of a new social context in which ceramics developed and were used to make art in the Upper Palaeolithic
Can morphospace shed light on cave bear spatial-temporal variation? Population dynamics of Ursus spelaeus from Romualdova pe�cina and Vindija, (Croatia)
No full textCave bear (Ursus spelaeus) behavioural ecology, as evidenced through population dynamics, is crucial for improving our understanding of why this species went extinct. Despite the fact that the bones of this species have been recovered in very large quantities, allowing for extensive study, fundamental questions regarding its life-ways remain unanswered.We present research using geometric morphometrics (GMM) on molars to investigate population structure based on morphological variation over space and through time. This preliminary work deliberately restricts the geographic catchment area for sampling, allowing for a meaningful appraisal of scale of variation within a spatially conservative framework. Our results demonstrate no significant morphological variation evident temporally and a small but statistically significant degree of shape variation geographically despite the proximity of the study localities. These findings suggest that an accurate quantitative exploration of morphospace may be an important source of evidence on environmental and climatic shifts and the resulting influence on animal morphology
Human adaptation to changing coastal landscapes in the Eastern Adriatic: Evidence from Vela Spila cave, Croatia
No full textIn this paper new palaeogeographic and archaeological data from the prehistoric cave Vela Spila on the island of Korčula in Croatia are combined with new realizations of two glacial isostatic adjustment models in order to present relative sea-level change scenarios confronting the inhabitants of the cave at different time slices and to show how they experienced and adapted to sea-level and climate change from the Late Pleistocene through the Holocene. Our results show that from the Late Upper Palaeolithic until the Mesolithic, humans in the study area would have experienced tens of metres of sea-level rise, at rates in some cases up to 12 mm per year, and, owing to the relatively flat morphology of the now submerged plains, hundreds of meters of horizontal coastline change in the plains to the north and south of the island. This evidence supports the hypothesis that the rapid loss of these plains likely contributed to the human abandonment of the cave after the Palaeolithic for about five thousand years, followed by significant changes in lifestyle and diet in the Mesolithic. Our results have important implications for the study of how past human groups, especially in vulnerable coastal areas, were affected by sea level, climate, and other environmental changes. Vela Spila represents a case study of how changing environment and rising seas can force significant alterations in human societies, even when there is no risk of inundation to settlement sites
Miracle-workers and magicians in the Acts of the Apostles and Philostratus' Life of Apollonius of Tyana.
No full textThe miracle-workers and magicians we meet in the Greco-Roman world and on the pages of Greco-Roman narratives are among the most difficult characters for modem scholars to understand. While Greco-Roman writers presume their readers will share their socio-cultural script and understand how one distinguishes between a legitimate miracle-worker and an illegitimate magician, this script is lost on modem scholars. Hindered first by absolute definitions for miracle and magic from social anthropology and then by relative definitions from the sociology of knowledge, this thesis calls for a re-engagement of the "historic imagination" with respect to these sorts of characters. In particular, this thesis suggests that a detailed investigation into the operation of characters labelled as performers of miracles or magic can reveal the criteria which distinguished the two in the minds of Greco-Roman Mediterraneans as well as revealing the practical outworking of the criteria themselves. Two narratives are chosen for this task-the canonical Acts of the Apostles, representing a Jewish- Christian angle, and Philostratus' Life of Apollonius of Tyana, representing a pagan angle. Methodologically the study proceeds by converting these narratives into "narrative worlds" and then subjecting the narrative worlds to a social investigation using models suggested by the work of Mary Douglas and Peter Brown. Under the rubric of "gaining power, " "intersecting power, " and "defending power" the two narrative worlds projected by these texts are compared and contrasted with respect to the criteria being used to distinguish miracle-worker from magician. The conclusion reached is that in both texts legitimacy for a mediator of divine power is found especially in demonstrating power without appearing desirous of personal gains. A miracle-worker is successful in this regard; a magician is one who fails in this regard
Pottery from Vela Cave near Vranja (Istria)
No full textLončarija iz Vele peći kod Vranje (Istra )
Stašo FORENBAHER, Petra RAJIĆ ŠIKANJIĆ, Preston T. MIRACLE
Vela peć nalazi se u Veloj dragi u zapadnome podnožju Učke. Dvadesetak metara širok otvor
prostranoga pripećka okrenut je prema sjeverozapadu i izdignut tridesetak metara nad dnom
tijesnoga klanca (slika 1). Preko puta, u suprotnome obronku klanca, nalazi se ulaz u Pupićinu
peć. U toj su špilji provedena opsežna iskopavanja, u sklopu međunarodnoga znanstvenoistraživačkog
projekta čiji je cilj bio prikupljanje građe o paleookolišu, pretpovijesnoj
naseljenosti i strategijama opstanka u sjevernoj Istri na prijelazu iz pleistocena u holocen.
Tada je, od 1996. do 2001. godine, provedeno i arheološko istraživanje Vele peći (slika 2). U
ovome radu obrazložili smo podjela na faze Vele peći, sažeto opisali njenu stratigrafiju i opća
obilježja lončarije te podrobnije iznijeli rezultate analize skupova nalaza lončarije prikupljene
iz pojedinih faza nalazišta.
Arheološki slojevi Vele peći pri zapadnome kraju otkopanoga prostora debeli su oko pet
metara, dok se prema istoku znatno stanjuju. Podijelili smo ih u sedam kronoloških faza (slike
3 i 4). Unatoč priličnoj poremećenosti naslaga, naročito onih koji pripadaju dvjema najmlađim
fazama, čini se da nije bilo znatnijega miješanja arheološke građe.
Faza 1 sadržavala je pokretnu arheološku građu koja se uglavnom sastoji od životinjskih
kostiju i izrađevina od cijepanoga kamena. Radiokarbonski je datirana u rani holocen (Beta-
145093: 9680±170 bp, kalibrirani raspon od 1SD: 9290. - 8810. pr. Kr.) te smo je preliminarno
pripisali mezolitiku. Pri vrhu najmlađih konteksta te faze prikupljena su tri ulomka lončarije
koje smatramo umetnutim nalazima iz kasnijih faza.
Faza 2 sadržavala je lončariju koja se, prema svojim stilskim obilježjima, u cijelosti može
pripisati neolitiku (slike 7 i 8).
Faza 3 sadržavala je podjednaki broj vremenski osjetljivih ulomaka koji se mogu pripisati
neolitiku i brončanom dobu. Jedini radiokarbonski datum (Beta-188922: 5540±120 bp,
kalibrirani raspon od 1SD: 4520. - 4250. pr. Kr.) odgovara vremenu kasnoga neolitika. Budući
da postoje naznake poremećenosti pojedinih konteksta, stratigrafske inverzije i konteksti u
kojima se miješa arheološka građa iz različitih razdoblja, tu smo fazu izdvojili kao “tamponzonu”
između neolitičke faze 2 i brončanodobne faze 4.
Faza 4 sadržavala je lončariju koja se prema svojim stilskim obilježjima u cijelosti može
pripisati brončanome dobu (slike 9-13). Mnogi ulomci mogu se i pobliže pripisati srednjem
i kasnom brončanom dobu. Pri dnu naslaga te faze naišli smo na izrazitu koncentraciju lončarije (slika 17). S prostora promjera četrdesetak i dubine dvadesetak centimetara (kontekst
130a) prikupili smo preko 12 kilograma ulomaka od petnaestak posuda (slike 10-12). Radi
se najvjerojatnije o malenoj jami ispunjenoj razbijenim posuđem i ilovačom koja se ni po
čemu, osim po gustoći nalaza, ne razlikuje od okolnoga tla.
Faza 5 sadržavala je uglavnom nedijagnostičke ulomke grubih posuda koji bi mogli pripadati
brončanom ili željeznom dobu (slika 14). Prema njenom stratigrafskom položaju i općim
obilježjima lončarije možemo je tek okvirno pripisati kraju brončanog ili željeznom dobu.
Faza 6 nije sadržavala lončariju, izuzev dvaju nedijagnostičkih ulomaka prikupljenih
sa samoga dna ove faze koje smatramo zaostalim nalazima. Budući da nemamo nikakvih
elemenata za njeno datiranje, prema njenome stratigrafskom položaju pripisujemo je vremenu
između kasnoga brončanog doba i kasne antike.
Faza 7 sadržavala je rijetke ulomke grube lončarije, većinom s jasnim tragovima vrtnje
na brzorotirajućem lončarskom kolu. Dva ciglasto crvena ulomka zdjelice mogu se pripisati
kasnoantičkome razdoblju, kojem vjerojatno pripada i sva ostala građa iz ove faze (slika 15).
Rezultati stratigrafske analize te formalne analize lončarije i relativne učestalosti nalaza
(slika 16) ukazuju da Velu peć treba promatrati kao integralni dio cjeline koja se sastoji od dva
speleološka objekta, Pupićine i Vele peći. Izgleda da se Vela peć u svim svojim postmezolitičkim
fazama koristila prvenstveno kao mjesto gdje se držala stoka. Po svoj prilici, koristili su je oni
isti pastiri koji su povremeno boravili preko puta, u Pupićinoj peći. Jedino je za srednjega i/
ili kasnoga brončanog doba funkcija nalazišta bila ponešto drugačija. Postoje naznake da su se
za tog razdoblja u Veloj peći povremeno odvijale obredne aktivnosti, čiji su skromni tragovi
sačuvani u neuobičajenom sadržaju jedne male jame (kontekst 130a).Pottery from Vela Cave near Vranja (Istria )
Stašo FORENBAHER, Petra RAJIĆ ŠIKANJIĆ, Preston T. MIRACLE
Vela Cave is located in Vela Draga, at the western foot of Učka Mountain. A large,
northwest-facing rock shelter, some twenty metres wide, opens in the steep hillside about
thirty metres above the bottom of a narrow gorge (Figure 1). Directly across the gorge, in
its opposite flank, lies the entrance to Pupićina Cave. Pupićina was excavated extensively in
the course of an international scientific research project, aimed at gathering evidence about
the paleoenvironment, prehistoric settlement and subsistence strategies in northern Istria
during the transition from the Pleistocene to the Holocene. On that occasion, Vela Cave
was investigated archaeologically from 1996 until 2001 (Figure 2). This report discusses the
phasing of Vela Cave, briefly describes its stratigraphy and the general characteristics of the
pottery, and presents the results of the detailed analyses of the pottery assemblages from
specific phases of the site.
Archaeological layers are about five metres thick near the western end of the excavated
area, while they become considerably thinner towards the east. We divided these deposits
into seven chronological phases (Figures 3 & 4). Although some of them have been badly
disturbed (especially the two most recent phases), it seems that the disturbance did not result
in extensive mixing of the archaeological evidence.
Phase 1 contained small archaeological finds, primarily consisting of faunal remains and
flaked stone artifacts. They were dated by radiocarbon to the early Holocene (Beta-145093:
9680±170 bp, calibrated 1SD range: 9290-8810 BC), and have been attributed provisionally
to the Mesolithic. Three potsherds, considered intrusive finds from later phases, were recovered
from near the top of the youngest contexts attributed to this phase.
Phase 2 contained pottery, all of which can be attributed to the Neolithic, based on its
stylistic traits (Figures 7 & 8).
Phase 3 contained an approximately equal number of temporally sensitive potsherds
attributable to the Neolithic and the Bronze Age. A single radiocarbon date (Beta-188922:
5540±120 bp, calibrated 1SD range: 4520-4250 BC) corresponds to the Late Neolithic. Some
of the contexts seem to have been disturbed, others contain mixed artifacts from different
periods, and stratigraphic inversions are apparent. We have therefore isolated this phase as an
“intermediate zone” between the Neolithic Phase 2 and the Bronze Age Phase 4.
Phase 4 contained pottery, all of which is attributable to the Bronze Age, based on its stylistic traits (Figures 9-13). Many of the potsherds can be more closely attributed to the
Middle and Late Bronze Age. Near the bottom of this phase’s deposits, we encountered a
dense concentration of pottery (Figure 17). A context some forty centimetres in diameter
and some twenty centimetres deep (Context 130a) yielded more than 12 kilograms of pottery
fragments, belonging to some fifteen vessels (Figures 10-12). Presumably, a small pit was filled
with broken pottery vessels and silty clay, which would have been indistinguishable from the
surrounding soil, save for the density of finds.
Phase 5 contained mostly nondiagnostic fragments of coarse vessels that may be attributed
either to the Bronze Age or the Iron Age (Figure 14). According to the general character
of the pottery and its stratigraphic position, this phase can be assigned roughly to the final
Bronze Age or the Iron Age.
Phase 6 did not contain pottery, except for a couple of nondiagnostic fragments that were
recovered from the very bottom of this phase and are considered residual finds. Since it yielded
no datable evidence, we attribute Phase 6 to a period between the Late Bronze Age and the
Late Roman Period, according to its stratigraphic position.
Phase 7 contained occasional fragments of coarse pottery vessels, most of them exhibiting
clear evidence of having been wheel thrown. Two brick-red fragments of a small bowl are
attributable to the Late Roman Period (Figure 15). All other finds from this phase probably
belong to the same period.
The results of the stratigraphic analysis, the formal analyses of the pottery, as well as the
relative frequencies of the finds (Figure 16), indicate that Vela Cave should be seen as an
integral part of a complex site, consisting of two neighbouring caves: Pupićina and Vela.
Apparently, during all of the post-Mesolithic phases, Vela Cave served primarily as a place
for keeping flocks. Most likely, it was used by the same herders who occasionally occupied
Pupićina Cave, just across the ravine. The function of the cave varied somewhat only during
the Middle and/or Late Bronze Age. During that period, ritual activities may have been
carried out in Vela Cave. The unusual contents of a small pit (Context 130a) may represent
the modest remains of those activities
Turkey : export miracle or accounting trick?
No full textTurkey's recovery from its debt crisis ( 1978 - 80 ) has made it the paragon of export led growth. The driving force behind the Turkish export miracle has remained a matter of debate. If what happened in Turkey was a spillover of its proximity to the Middle East, there is little other countries can learn from the Turkish experience. If active export subsidies were the main determinants of Turkey's export growth, one wonders about the costs of joining GATT. The last possible explanation, real exchange rate depreciation, would put the focus much more on the macroeconomic policies and trade reforms that made such a depreciation sustainable in real terms. The authors provide an assessment of the relative contributions of all the factors mentioned above and their relationship to Turkey's export growth. They begin with an assessment of whether there was an export miracle once the Middle East is discounted, or was it all a product of accounting tricks in response to changing incentives? In Section II, Turkey's trade statistics are compared with those reported by its main trading partners to assess whether there was significant growth to countries outside the Middle East. Finally, the authors present a simple model which focuses on the role of export incentives, relative prices and foreign income growth in export determination. The authors conclude by confirming the existence of the Turkish export miracle.Economic Theory&Research,Environmental Economics&Policies,Economic Stabilization,TF054105-DONOR FUNDED OPERATION ADMINISTRATION FEE INCOME AND EXPENSE ACCOUNT,Tax Law
Revision of the Ungulate Fauna and Upper Pleistocene Stratigraphy of Veternica Cave (Zagreb, Croatia)
No full textRevision of the Veternica ungulates removes Dama dama (L.)(fallow deer) and Megaceros giganteus (BLUMENBACH) (giant deer) from the species list and adds Bison priscus (BOJANUS) (bison)to it. The rhino remains do not allow a specific determination. A/cesa/ces (L.)(elk) and Capreolus capreolus (L.) (roe deer) are rarer than previously thought. Rupicapra rupicapra (L.) (chamois) remains are particularly common in levels d and h. Capra ibex (L.)(ibex) is limited to level d, while Sus scrofa (L.)(pig) needs to beadded to the fauna llist of level e. Cervus ela ph us (L. )(red deer) is the most common ungulate in all of the levels, with the exception of level d and perhaps level h. This revision remove s all of the so called warm period ungulates from the fauna and casts doubt on an inter glacial date for level j. Therefore, we suggest that level j at Veternica does not date to the last interglacial maximum (oxygenisotope sub-stage Se, e. 128-118,000 BP), but to a later and cooler time period with a more open environment. The sediments, however,do indicate relatively warm and wet conditions of deposition,at least with regards to the rest of the profile. We favor a date duringsub-stages Sc or Sa (e. 100,000 and 80,000 BP, respectively),but leave the question open for the time being
The spread of farming in the Eastern Adriatic
No full textThe beginning of farming in the Adriatic is a topic ripe for a new discussion and synthesis. Several lines of evidence suggest that immigration played a major role in the process. It involved, however, both the actual movement of people and the active participation of the local population, and probably unfolded somewhat differently in different parts of the region. There is provocative evidence that the transition to farming occurred in a two-stage process. There was an initial stage of very rapid dispersal, perhaps by exploratory parties along the coast in the southern Adriatic. During the second stage, the eastern Adriatic littoral was probably colonized by farming communities, while the hinterland remained an agricultural frontier zone
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