1,721,134 research outputs found
The Role of Social Identity Complexity in Humanization and Political Engagement
No full textOur societies are becoming increasingly multicultural, with examples of people with high motivation to cooperate among different
social groups. However, intergroup prejudice and discrimination are still overt and very widespread. It is also true that people
belong to a number of different social categories and groups and the higher overlap ascribed to their different memberships the
lower the complexity of their social identity. In the present study we controlled for social identity complexity, political engagement
and orientation to social dominance and we assessed the extent to whether Arabs, considered by many Western countries as
a threatening outgroup, is regarded as a part of the human group. Results showed that the higher the complexity of social
identity and political engagement, the lower the orientation to social dominance an individual possesses, the more he/she tends to
humanize Arab people and supports human policies towards them. Moreover, evidence showed that the more complex subjective
representation of the interrelations among different self-definitions an individual has, the higher the motivation to engage in
support of human policies in his/her own as well as in other countries. Thus, this evidence suggests that one’s own belongingness
to multiple not overlapping social groups can be a potential strategy for improving people involvement not only in their country but
in favor of the human community
When and how Social Dominance predicts political engagement? Different motivations within the Italian context
No full textThere is a lot of evidence demonstrating a robust positive relationship between SDO and political conservative (vs. liberal) ideology. However, the question of how SDO affects political engagement has not been thoroughly researched. In the present research, we investigated the motivational processes that may explain the relationship between SDO and political engagement within the Italian context, considering the different socio-political situations of Northern and Southern Italians.
Previous research on the stereotype content model found Northern Italians are perceived as more competent than Southern Italians, and Southern Italians are perceived as more warm than Northern Italians. Thus, we reason that the motivational factors that drive political engagement of Northern Italians should be related to maintaining their high perceived efficacy, whereas those of Southern Italians should be more concerned with interdependence processes such as perceived corruption.
Evidence showed that for Northern Italians, perceived efficacy increased interest in politics which in turn explained the effect of SDO on political engagement. For Southern Italians, perceived corruption reduced interest in politics, which in turn explained the effect of SDO on reduced political engagement. These sequential mediation models were performed controlling for political identification. Implications of the present research will be discussed
The role of social identity complexity in humanization and political engagement
No full textOur societies are becoming increasingly multicultural, with examples of people with high motivation to cooperate among different social groups. However, intergroup prejudice and discrimination are still overt and very widespread. It is also true that people belong to a number of different social categories and groups and the higher overlap ascribed to their different memberships the lower the complexity of their social identity.
In the present study we controlled for social identity complexity, political engagement and orientation to social dominance and we assessed the extent to whether Arabs, considered by many Western countries as a threatening outgroup, is regarded as a part of the human group. Results showed that the higher the complexity of social identity and political engagement, the lower the orientation to social dominance an individual possesses, the more he/she tends to humanize Arab people and supports human policies towards them. Moreover, evidence showed that the more complex subjective representation of the interrelations among different self-definitions an individual has, the higher the motivation to engage in support of human policies in his/her own as well as in other countries. Thus, this evidence suggests that one’s own belongingness to multiple not overlapping social groups can be a potential strategy for improving people involvement not only in their country but in favor of the human community
Can We Identify with a Nation Low in Morality? The Heavy Weight of (Im)Morality in International Comparison
Full text linkResearch has shown that the perceived morality of the ingroup is a primary source of group pride and ingroup identification. The present research examined whether this is true even when a group has a poor reputation for morality in terms of dishonesty and corruption, such as in the case of Italians. To address this issue, two studies analyzed the role of the three fundamental dimensions of social judgment—morality, competence, and sociability—in predicting Italians’ identification with their nation when the salience of social comparison and the status of the comparison outgroup were varied. Findings showed that perceived morality predicted ingroup identification when participants did not engage in social comparison. Under salient social comparison, individuals based group identification on other dimensions: Perceived sociability was the main predictor of identification when respondents compared with a higher status outgroup (Germans; Study 1; N = 109), whereas perceived competence was the main predictor of identification when participants compared with a lower status outgroup (Romanians; Study 2; N = 121). Overall, findings showed compensation processes in social identification: When social comparison is salient, members of a low morality group base identification on the dimension which allows positive differentiation from the outgroup
Arab attributions for the attack on America: The case of Lebanese subelites
No full textThere are at least two major ways of understanding the attributions that Arab young people used to explain the September 11 th attack on the World Trade Center: (a) in terms of a so-called clash of civilizations or an inherent conflict between Muslim and Western values or (b) in terms of an antidominance reaction to perceived American and Israeli oppression of Arabs in general and Palestinians in particular. The authors compare the relative validities of these two framings using a sample of Lebanese students from the American University of Beirut. The results from analysis of variance, regression, and structural equation modeling showed strong, clear, and consistent support for the antidominance attributions and essentially no support for the clash-of-civilizations attributions.Chomsky N., 2001, 9 11; DEYOUNG K, 2002, WASH POST 0911, pA13; DUMONT L, 1980, HOMO HEIARCHICUS CAS; HENRY PJ, 2002, UNPUB SOCIAL DOMINAN; Herting J. R., 1985, CAUSAL MODELS SOCIAL, P263; HUNTINGTON SP, 1993, FOREIGN AFF, V72, P22, DOI 10.2307-20045621; HUSSIEN AD, 2001, J MUSLIM MINORITY AF, V21, P25; JORESKOG KG, 1993, LISREL 8 USERS MANUA; Lewis Bernard, 1990, ATLANTIC MONTHLY, V266, P47; MARGALIT A, 2002, NEW YORK REV BOOKS; PRATTO F, 1994, J PERS SOC PSYCHOL, V67, P741, DOI 10.1037-0022-3514.67.4.741; RAGEH R, 2002, ASS PRESS 1113; SAID EW, 2000, COMMENCEMENT SPEECH; Scott James C., 1990, DOMINATION ARTS RESI; Sidanius J., 2001, SOCIAL DOMINANCE INT; 2002, BBC NEWS 033015101
Predicting support for Arabs’ autonomy from social dominance: The role of identity complexity and dehumanization
No full textThe present study extends previous research on the influence of social dominance orientation (SDO) in international affairs by investigating the role of sociocognitive processes such as social identity complexity (SIC) and intergroup dehumanization in explaining the relationship between SDO and support for Arabs' autonomy. An Italian heterogeneous sample (N = 123), in terms of gender, age, political orientation, religiosity, and income level, was considered. We expected that those low on SDO would be more likely to support Arabs' autonomy, would have higher SIC, and would be less likely to dehumanize Arabs. We also expected that SIC and dehumanization would sequentially mediate the relationship between SDO and support for Arabs' autonomy. Results revealed that Italians low on SDO have higher SIC (i.e., a more inclusive social identity) which endorses lower dehumanization of Arabs. This in turn explained the influence of SDO on support for Arabs' autonomy. These findings integrate the literature about SDO and SIC and enhance the understanding of the sociocognitive processes underlying people's support for international egalitarian movement
Uno Studio di Adattamento e Validazione della Scala di Tendenza alla Dominanza Sociale (Pratto et al., 1994)
No full textABSTRACT
Si presenta l’adattamento italiano della Scala di “Orientamento/Tendenza alla Dominanza
Sociale” (Pratto et al., 1994).
La Scala italiana in merito studiata, impiegando un campione di 412 studenti universitari, presenta una
struttura unidimensionale, attendibile e valida. La misura delineata converge in modo del tutto saliente
con altre misure (Autoritarismo di Destra -RWA; Scale di Autoritarismo ed Etnocentrismo),
considerate con finalità di validazione della stessa. In linea con quanto delineato nella letteratura
internazionale, la versione italiana della Scala SDO si dimostra in grado di discriminare, inoltre, tra
gruppi differenziati per diverso genere, orientamento politico e “fede/pratica religiosa”
Group Dominance in Hierarchy-Attenuating and Hierarchy-Enhancing Organizations: The Role of Social Dominance Orientation, Need for Cognitive Closure, and Power Tactics in a Person–Environment (Mis)Fit Perspective
No full textIn the present study, we examined the relationship between subordinates social dominance orientation (SDO) and their acquiescence to harsh power tactics as means for sustaining group hierarchies in different work environments. We examined the person-environment (P-E) misfit (vs. P-E fit) between employees’ high in SDO in a hierarchy-attenuating (vs. a hierarchy-enhancing) organization. In particular, we hypothesized that the interaction between SDO and need for cognitive closure (NFCC; an individual epistemic motivation to avoid uncertainty) sustained a greater acquiescence to harsh power tactics when subordinates faced an ambiguity condition of P-E misfit compared to a more stable condition of P-E fit. A total of 286 employees participated in the study. We recruited participants in a hierarchy-attenuating organization (N = 174) and in a hierarchy-enhancing organization (N = 112). The study’s variables were measured by administering an anonymous questionnaire.A three-way interaction analysis confirmed our hypothesis. In particular, the simple analysis showed that the association between subordinates’ SDO and harsh power tactics only occurs in the hierarchy-attenuating (vs. hierarchy enhancing) organization at the conditional level of high (vs. low) NFCC. The NFCC contributes to reducing the P-E misfit between subordinates’ SDO level and the organization’s hierarchy-attenuating function. SDO and NFCC interact in sustain asymmetrical group relationships in an uncertainty condition of P-E misfit leading subordinates in endorsing harsh power tactic
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