179,145 research outputs found

    L’innovazione culturale nell’era del pluralismo: governare la diversità culturale e religiosa: Intervista a Riccardo Pozzo di Marco Gugliemi

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    Recentemente, Pozzo ha sviluppato una linea di ricerca incentrata sull’in- troduzione della nozione di innovazione culturale. Tale progetto mira a favorire un ripensamento di questo concetto attraverso la valorizzazione delle esperienze e dei processi di co-creazione. In dialogo con studiosi appartenenti ad altre discipline, Pozzo ha esplorato l’aspetto culturale dell’innovazione come una dimensione in grado di completare l’inno- vazione tecnologia e quella sociale. Partendo dalle nozioni di società riflessiva e di inclusione sociale, ha interpretato gli spazi di condivisione tra i cittadini come luoghi capaci di generare processi e prodotti dell’in- novazione culturale orientati verso i cosiddetti «beni comuni». L’intervista pubblicata nel presente contributo è frutto del confronto tra i due autori avvenuto nei mesi di marzo e aprile 2020

    The Studium Generale Program and the Effectiveness of the History of Concepts

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    The process initiated by the Bologna Conference in 1999 towards an economically, environmentally, and culturally sustainable development has led to the constitution of the European Research Area, in which education is in the process of being streamlined in all participating countries. One of its first consequences was a long wished for increase in the number of graduates all over Europe. Given that the main difficulty seems to lie in disseminating an idea of science that were at the crossroad between basic and applied research, very much in the spirit of the Bologna declaration, an answer to this difficulty is the Studium Generale Program (=SGP), which is a set of interdisciplinary modules aimed at presenting to students of all disciplines the nucleus of European science and philosophy (from Aristotle’s Analytica to Euclid’s Stoicheia, from Plato’s Politeia to Augustine’s Confessiones). Developed since 2005 by a network of European universities brought together by the Guardini Stiftung e.V. (Berlin) with funding of Germany’s Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung (Bonn), the SGP is close to completion. It is the best instrument for achieving this dissemination goal in as far as it enables students and teachers to find their own ways within Europe’s intellectual identity. First and foremost, then, it is the methods and the contents produced by the SGP that provides an answer to the question, “What does it mean to be European?” This is the key role the SGP plays with respect of the constitution of Europe’s polycentric identity

    Fra identità elvetica e apertura cosmopolitica: l'essenza della filosofia svizzera

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    Interrogarsi sull’essenza della filosofia svizzera, come fece Anna Tumarkin in una famosa monografia, vuol dire cercare di individuare il ciò senza di cui la filosofia svizzera non sarebbe filosofia, insomma cosa sia τό ελβετικόν della filosofia. La contemplazione di una natura maestosa, sublime e ostile, l’esperienza politica e sociale di un paese con tre lingue e altrettante mentalità è stata la causa efficiente della composizione di eccellenti opere storiche, giuridiche, politiche, di grandi romanzi e di opere di filosofia pratica e pedagogia, ma purtroppo, come notava Daniel Christoff, non a una tradizione di filosofia teoretica nella quale i problemi partici vengano affrontati in modo speculativo e secondo una piano teorico . Scriveva il filosofo del diritto Hans Ryffel che la caratteristica dell’attività filosofica svizzera «la si può vedere principalmente nella diffidenza verso le posizioni estreme e verso una filosofia sistematica, dogmatica e troppo astratta, come pure nella connessione di riflessione filosofica e vita pratica dell’esistenza morale individuale o della società nella educazione e nella politica. Ne deriva che la Svizzera in conseguenza della sua unione di tre lingue e culture partecipa, assai più che non altri paesi, alla vita spirituale di diverse cerchie culturali e tende a un piano comune o almeno alla molteplicità della vita spirituale». Non si ha difficoltà a riconoscere che le peculiarità della filosofia elvetica nel frattempo sono divenute topiche, tanto che Christoph Dejung non ha esitato a proporne un elenco in cinque punti: 1) non è accademica, 2) è politica e pratica, 3) vive di una fede implicita, 4) è concreta e realista e infine 5) è pedagogica . Un dato di fatto ineliminabile resta dunque la divisione linguistica e continuano a far parte della memoria identitaria le ferite lasciate dalle guerre di religione prima della creazione dello stato nazionale, alla fine della guerra dei Trentanni, nel 1648, per tacere, infine, delle ferite lasciate, nella Svizzera tedesca, dal Kulturkampf anticattolico della seconda metà dell’Ottocento. Il tutto ha avuto come conseguenza lo stabilirsi di un atteggiamento di grande tolleranza e neutralità nella vita pubblica e spesso anche in quella delle idee

    Perché lo Studium generale?

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    Il processo iniziato dal vertice europeo di Bologna del 1999 ha avuto come conseguenza, in Italia, l’introduzione delle lauree triennali e un buon avviamento verso l’obiettivo di aumentare il numero dei laureati. Permangono tuttavia delle incertezze sul valore formativo delle lauree triennali, viste ancora con diffidenza dai datori di lavoro, nonostante proprio nelle lauree triennali sia da vedere la condizione necessaria e sufficiente per il passaggio da un’università di élite a una di massa. La difficoltà principale, consiste evidentemente nel trasmettere un’idea di scienza che stia a metà strada tra la formazione di base e quella applicata, nello spirito, appunto, della dichiarazione di Bologna. Nella tradizione dell’umanesimo rinascimentale e dell’enciclopedismo illuminista, lo Studium generale è una risposta a questa difficoltà

    Ploucquet, Gottfried

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    Gottried Plouqcuet is known as a precursor of symbolic logic and as a philosopher connected to occasionalism. Born in Stuttgart on 25 August 1716, he studied there at the Ducal Gymnasium. In 1732 he was granted a scholarship to study at the theological seminary of the University of Tübingen. While studying Wolff’s mathematical writings Ploucquet found his way to philosophy. During his whole life, he never separated philosophy from mathematics. Having come to philosophy through the foyer of mathematics, he suffered when the sober form of a system became the victim of a frivolous cover, and he feared that in this way the limits of genuine philosophy were displaced. Israel Gottlieb Canz (1690-1753) instructed him in philosophy and Christoph Matthäus Pfaff (1686-1760) in theology. In 1734 he became a magister of philosophy and in 1740 doctor of theology. In 1747 he won the prize-question on the monads of the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences in Berlin and in 1749 he was voted external member of that academy, after which came the call to the chair of logic and metaphysics at the University of Tübingen, a position he kept for the rest of his life, with the exception of the Summer Term of 1778, in which he taught at the Military Academy in Stuttgart, where he had among his students also the young Friedrich Schiller. Ploucquet was well acquainted with ancient philosophers, whom he read in the original texts and whose positions he compared with those of the modern, whom he knew just as well. He often referred to older systems, such as those by Leibniz and Wolff, and took much from Descartes, Malebranche, and Locke, while taking critical stances against Robinet, Helvetius, and Kant. When Kant in his Einzigen möglichen Beweisgrund für das Daseyn Gottes of 1763 dealt with the notion of an absolute existence, Ploucquet checked Kant’s work for fallacies and defended against Kant’s criticism the proof based on the idea of a contingent world. Ploucquet died in Tübingen on 13 September 1790, after an ictus he received in 1781 had left him paralyzed. He kept nonetheless absolving at least one of his professorial duties until the end: he dictated the logical and metaphysical theses submitted to the students that took the Magister exam in philosophy at the University of Tübingen. This detail is not without relevance, for when Friedrich Wilhelm Hölderlin and Georg Friedrich Wilhelm Hegel were examined in Tübingen in 1790, they answered questions that had been formulated by Ploucquet. Moreover, it has been shown that Johann Friedrich Flatt and Christoph Bardili, who both taught logic and metaphysics to Hölderlin and Hegel (Flatt as an extraordinary professor at the university, Bardili as a Repetent in the Stift), used for their courses the last edition of Ploucquet’s logic and metaphysics textbook

    Ith, Johannes

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    Born in 1747 in Bern as the son of a craftsman, Ith studied theology and then taught as a preceptor or private tutor. In 1770 he become a pastor. After having received a stipend, he studied in Göttingen, Leipzig, and Berlin. From 1778 to 1786 he was a librarian in Bern’s Stadtbibliothek. In 1781 he became philosophy professor at the Bernese Akademie, and in 1787 he was also appointed as a philosophy professor at Berne’s Politisches Institut. In 1796 he left Berne to take up a parish in the Biel lake district. After his return to Berne in 1799, he became pastor and deacon of the Münsterkirche, a position he kept until his death in 1813. Apart from Charles Bonnet (who read and commented Kant’s First Critique as early as 1788), Ith was one of the most influential first Swiss readers of Kant’s works. Thus, Martin Bondeli has found an excerpt with the title of Kantischer Stufenleiter der Vorstellungsarten taken from Christian Gottfried Schütz’s famous review of Johann Schultz’s Erläuterungen on the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung of 12-30 July 1785 in the margins of the Nachschrift of the Ith’s course on Logica theoretica (first given in 1783). In the course Ith follows Leibniz and Wolff, and only the excerpt is Kantian. Furthermore, it is not in Ith’s hand, but in that of Abraham Friedrich von Mutach, a student of Ith’s in Berna, who switched to Göttingen in 1789. This gives 1785 for as a terminus a quo and 1789 as a terminus ad quem. Later, Ith offered a psychologistical interpretation of the Kritik der reinen Vernunft, in which it has been assigned the systematic role of an introduction to logic or of a Präliminarlehre. The reason is that the operations of representing and knowing precede the operations of thought. In logic, Ith is close to post-kantian logicians such as Carl Leonhard Reinhold, Johann Heinrich Abicht and J.G.C.C. Kiesewetter

    Meier, Georg Friedrich

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    Georg Friedrich Meier was born in Ammendorf near Halle (Prussia) on 29 March 1718. Because of his fragile health he received his primary education at home. His father, a Lutheran pastor close to Pietism, taught ihm Latin, German and arithmetics until 1729, when he was able to enter the house of Johann Gottfried Semler, the founder of the first mathematical and mechanical Real-Schule, where he received his secondary education, which he integrated by taking classes from 1730 at the Hallisches Waisenhaus, the institution founded by the founder of Pietism, which at that time was run by Hieronymus Freyer, and from 1732 at the University of Halle. His name appears in the university’s registry of 6 June 1730, but he actually began his studies at Easter 1735, finishing them on 25 April 1739. His first publication, Of Several Mathematical Abstractions (De nonnullis abstractis mathematicis), is a disputation co-authored with his fellow student, Jakob Heinrich Sprengel, which both of them defended on September 30, 1739 under the presidency of Siegmund Jakob Baumgarten, who together with his brother Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten was his intellectual mentor. He started teaching at Halle, in the Fall of 1739/40. From 1739 to 1746 he taught as a Privatdozent, from 1746 to 1748 as an extraordinary professor and from 1748 to his death as an ordinary professor. He was highly effective as an academic teacher and could count among his students statesmen such as Christoph Ludwig von Stille, Karl Gottlob von Guichard, Karl Abraham Baron von Zedlitz und Leipe as well as scholars such as Johann August Noesselt, Johann Salomo Semler, Thomas Abbt, Johann August Eberhard, Christian Gottfried Schütz. Just before his promotion to ordinary professor in 1748, Meier refused two offers by the University of Göttingen and by the Duke of Brunswick, who wanted him to teach at respectively at the University of Helmstedt and Brunswick’s technical university, the Collegium Carolinum. Shortly after his promotion, however, the Oberkuratorium für die preußischen Universitäten (which was then an agency of Berlin’s Etats-Ministerium), made him the object of an investigation on the charge of propagating free-thinking. Meier was said to have denied the doctrine of the immortality of the soul in his writing of 1746 Thoughts on the Condition of the Soul after Death (Gedancken vom Zustande der Seele nach dem Tode). He was able to prove that he had not and that the misunderstanding was due to the care he had taken to detail the position of his adversaries. Though Meier never left Halle, he knew the world quite well and the world knew him because of the large number of his publications, many of which appeared in several edition and reprints. He was made a fellow of the academies of sciences at Greifswald, Jena, Berlin and Göttingen. In 1754 he was requested to appear in front of Frederick William II the Great, then on a state-visit in Halle, which was in itself a great honor. The King ordered him to stop teaching philosophy after unkown textbooks and teach instead after John Locke’s Essay concerning Human Understanding, which Meier promptly did, in the Summer of 1754, being the first to do so at a German university. The experiment did not work. Too few students enrolled, and Meier went back to teaching after Wolff, Baumgarten and himself. He lived the uneventful life of a scholar and managed to be well off thanks to a comparatively high salary and the royalties from his books. He was pro-rector twice, from July 1759 to July 1760 (it happened in the middle of the Seven-Years War, and as the university’s representative he was taken hostage for three days when the town fell in enemy’s hands) and from July 1768 to July 1769. In 1750, he married Johanna Concordia Hermann, like himself the daughter of a Lutheran pastor. Having had no children of their own, the couple adopted a daughter who then married the university secretary. Meier died on 21 June 1777

    Immanuel Kant, Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Johann Albert Heinrich Reimarus, L’autore e i suoi diritti: Scritti polemici sulla proprietà intellettuale

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    Negli anni compresi tra il 1785 e il 1798, in Germania l’utilizzazione libera era giustificata da motivazioni squisitamente democratiche. Reimarus chiedeva di rendere meno elitaria la fruizione dei libri, di “non deve scrivere per l’aristocrazia, ma per il tiers état del mondo della lettura” e faceva sua la rivendicazione della libertà di affrancarsi dal monopolio degli editori inglesi espressa dallo Act for the Encouragement of Learning americano del 31 maggio 1790. La proprietà intellettuale era fatta propria da Kant, che si rifaceva al diritto romano e auspicava, appunto, una formulazione legislativa non solo in termini di diritto patrimoniale, ma anche di diritto della personalità, come incisivamente spiegato da Kant, che considerava le facoltà morali della proprietà intellettuale, appunto, come il “diritto inalienabile (ius personalissimum) di discorrere egli stesso per il tramite di un altro, il diritto a che nessuno abbia licenza di tenere in pubblico lo stesso discorso se non nel suo (del creatore originario) nome”. Con Fichte, poi, la proprietà intellettuale diveniva parte di una più generale metafisica dell’attività intellettuale, secondo il principio che i pensieri “non si trasmettono di mano in mano, non vengono pagati in denaro sonante, e nemmeno ci vengono trasmessi se portiamo a casa il libro che li contiene e lo mettiamo nella nostra biblioteca. Per appropriarsene manca un’azione: dobbiamo leggere il libro, meditare — se non è del tutto ovvio — il suo contenuto, considerarlo sotto diversi aspetti e infine accoglierlo nelle nostre connessioni di idee”

    Kant on the Five Intellectual Virtues

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    The thesis of this paper can be outlined thus: Kant was not only acquainted with the exposition of the intellectual virtues presented by Aristotle in Eth. Nic. VI or in Eth. Eud. V, he also used it for establishing the true nature and foundation of logic. Given that Aristotle’s theory of the intellectual virtues is at the basis of all introductions to logic, this paper is primarily concerned with Kant’s manuscripts, lecture-transcripts and printed works in order to reconstruct the history of the problem of how to introduce logic. Traditionally, to introduce logic means to answer questions about its nature, subject, goal, and division, a series of issues that had been thoroughly investigated by many Renaissance and Enlightenment thinkers. Kant’s thoughts on them date back to his earliest reflections and lecture-transcripts; they are taken up in the Critique of Pure Reason; and they find definitive systematization in the published version of his logic, which appeared in 1800. Following a few preliminary methodological considerations, the second part of the essay deals with the occurrences of Aristotle’s intellectual virtues in Kant’s writings. The third part is dedicated to the impact of Jacopo Zabarella’s “pure Aristotelianism” on early modern German philosophy and the way it was transmitted to Kant. The fourth and the fifth parts consider the solutions offered by Zabarella and Kant concerning the nature of logic with respect to the intellectual virtues. Finally, the sixth part concludes with some general remarks about Kant’s debt to Aristotelianism

    Schiavitù attiva, proprietà intellettuale e diritti dell'uomo

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    The notions of author and work of art are in constant development and require adapting to an environment in which technical progress, lawmaking and individual needs are changing too. Intellectual property is not just about alienating the products of one’s thought, it is also about one’s body, one’s voice, one’s cultural tradition. Given that today every cell-phone can take or steal images that can be then posted for profit, the notion of copyright shows implications that go beyond economic issue and invest moral issues such as reputation, attribution, and association, for the work of art must not have consequences upon the author’s integrity and paternity. First and foremost, however, the work of art must not be instrument for external designs and strumentalization. The paper considers a number of case studies, in which the predication of active slavery seems to apply
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