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¿Qué es el Voto de Clase?: Los Mecanismos del Voto de Clase en España
No full textCon autorización de la revista para este artículoEn este trabajo se analizan posibles mecanismos causales que puedan dar cuenta de la asociación entre categorías de clase y comportamiento electoral. Basándonos en la modelación estadística de diferentes encuestas del CIS, con especial atención a la post-electoral de 2000 (CIS 2384)Peer reviewe
Temporary Contracts and Labour Market Segmentation in Spain: An Employment-Rent Approach
No full textDeregulation through temporary employment has generated important inequalities in the Spanish labour market. The article presents a theoretical model as well as empirical evidence to explain this process. The main thrust of the model is seeing labour market structures as always being the result of micro-level strategies of employers and employees over employment rents. The employment-rent approach focuses on the impact of deregulation through temporary employment on the employment-rent optimization strategies of both employers and employees at the micro-level. Drawing on recent developments in labour economics, two main micro-level effects of deregulation are identified, the so-called ‘incentive’ and ‘buffer’ mechanisms. These two mechanisms are expected to reinforce each other until an equilibrium state in the segmentation process is reached. The employment-rent model is tested using data from the Spanish Labour Force Survey for the period 1987–1997, as well as data on wages drawn from the Survey on Class Structure, Class Consciousness and Class Biography (1991). The evidence proves consistent with the predictions of the model
Flexibility or Polarisation?: Temporary Employment and Job Tasks in Spain
No full textThe paper takes issue with demand-based interpretations of the consequences of deregulation through temporary employment in Spain. According to demand-based accounts, the introduction of temporary contracts has helped to generate and maintain a secondary segment in the Spanish labour market, in which specific product market conditions generate a need for highly flexible contracts to perform low-skilled tasks. In contrast to this view, the paper argues that partial deregulation has also had important segmenting consequences amongst Spanish professionals, despite the high levels of asset specificity and monitoring costs involved in their job tasks. Drawing on the analysis of the Spanish Labour Force Survey for the period 1987–1997, the paper presents empirical evidence that shows how, when introduced in a context of high unemployment and high dismissal costs for the permanent workforce, temporary contracts can generate a process of polarization of employment chances within both manual and professional occupations. The segmenting consequences of partial deregulation have, therefore, been more severe, pervasive and pernicious than it is acknowledged by demand-based accounts
Estables y precarios : desregulación laboral y estratificación social en España
No full textJavier G. Polavieja.
ill. ; 22 cm.
Translation of: Insiders and outsiders : structure and consciousness effects of labour market deregulation in Spain, 1984-1997.
Thesis (doctoral) -- University of Oxford, 2001
Precariedad Laboral y Voto de Castigo en España: En Defensa de un Modelo de Interacción entre los Condicionantes Económicos eIdeológicos del Voto
No full textEste artículo analiza los efectos de la precariedad laboral asociada al segmento flexible del mercado de trabajo español sobre la intención de voto al final de la última legislatura socialista. Para ello, se defiende un modelo de votante que interpreta sus experiencias económicas a través de prismas ideológicos y que, por tanto, no responde electoralmente a sus condiciones económicas al margen de dichos prismas. Este modelo de votante, que plantea la existencia de interacción entre los condicionantes económicos y los condicionantes ideológicos del voto, se discute en contraposición a los modelos de votante económico aditivos, que asumen que los condicionantes económicos tienen un impacto sobre el voto directo e independiente de la ideología de los electores. Ambos modelos se contrastan empíricamente a través de la explotación estadística de la encuesta de Cultura Política, realizada por el Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas en abril de 1995 a una muestra de casi 4.000 entrevistados. El análisis de estos datos da sustento empírico al modelo interacción y sugiere que la precariedad laboral pudo favorecer la aparición de dos tipos de castigo: (1) castigo al PSOE, entonces en el gobierno, tanto por la izquierda (votando a IU), como por la derecha (votando al PP), entre electores ideológicamente cercanos a este partido; y (2) castigo a todos los partidos, vía abstención crítica, entre electores ideológicamente extremistas
Desempleo y Castigo Interbloques en las Elecciones Generales de 2000
No full textEl artículo contrasta la validez del modelo de castigo interbloques por precariedad laboral para las elecciones generales de 2000. Este modelo sostiene que las experiencias laborales en el segmento flexible del mercado de trabajo español pueden generar descontento con el partido gobernante entre votantes ideológicamente afines y facilitar, así, el voto transideológico. Utilizando una definición restrictiva de precariedad laboral, entendida exclusivamente como desempleo, el modelo de castigo interbloques se contrasta sobre una muestra de la población activa obtenida de la encuesta preelectoral del Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (estudio 2382) y obtiene sustento empírico. Los resultados sugieren que el Partido Popular fue castigado en el 2000 por votantes de derechas insatisfechos con su situación de desempleo, así como por votantes desempleados que no se identificaban con ninguno de los dos bloques ideológicos (izquierda-derecha). El uso de técnicas de simulación estadística nos permite calcular intervalos de confianza alrededor de los estimadores de los efectos de castigo. Estos resultados, junto a los obtenidos en un anterior trabajo para las elecciones de 1996, sugieren que el modelo de castigo interbloques por precariedad laboral es simétrico, puesto que parece funcionar con independencia de cuál sea el partido en el gobierno
Socially embedded investments: explaining gender differences in job-specific skills
Full text linkThis article offers an innovative explanation for gender differences in job specialization that connects individual choices to the social structure. Decisions about jobs are modeled as a choice over different tenure-reward slopes, which are steeper for more specialized skills. The choice of job depends on expected duration. Individuals have imperfect information about their probability of success in different jobs and form expectations partly by observing the social context. Because women face greater constraints and uncertainties than men, their choices depend more on this context. Contextual influences on job specialization are tested for European respondents nested in 234 different regions. Consonant with the theory's predictions, women are found to have more specialized jobs in regions where (1) the preceding generation's job specialization diverged less by gender, (2) peers arrange a more equal division of housework, and (3) peers have fewer children.Pubblicad
The Effect of Occupational Sex-Composition on Earnings:Job-Specialisation, Sex-Role Attitudes and the Division of Domestic Labour in Spain
No full textImportant theoretical controversies remain unresolved in the literature on occupational sex-segregation and the gender wage gap. These controversies can be summarized as a debate between cultural-socialization arguments and economic or rational-action theories of specialization. The article discusses these theories in detail and carries out a preliminary test of the relative explanatory performance of some of their most consequential predictions. This is done by drawing on the Spanish sample of the second round of the European Social Survey (ESS). Empirical results suggest that the effect of occupational sex-segregation on wages could be explicable by workers’ sex-role attitudes, their relative input in domestic production and the job-specific human-capital requirements of their jobs. Of these three factors, job-specialization seems clearly the most important one
Labour Market Dualisation and Trade Union Involvement in Spain
No full textThis chapter analyses the process of labour market dualisation and its consequences for the relation between workers and trade unions in Spain. It examines the effects of the progressive fragmentation of the Spanish work force - i.e. the growing differentiation of a core of workers with stable jobs and a periphery without - on workers’ patterns of collective action, as well as on their attitudes to, and perceptions and evaluation of, trade unions. The chapter argues that the differentiation of unemployment risks by type of contract has produced a two-tier system of employment relations, in which the interests of fixed-term and unemployed workers are largely disregarded. It is important to approach the study of labour market dualisation from a dynamic perspective that stresses the longitudinal character of the phenomena of employment stability and instability. From an employment perspective, two-tier flexibilisation implies that fixed-term contracts, given their low costs, become the main channel of entry into employment.Peer reviewe
Grandes Datos, Grandes Sesgos, Grandes Errores: Sobre el Atlas de Oportunidades
Full text linkThe Atlas de Oportunidades, recently launched by the Felipe Gonzalez and the Cotec foundations, has been defined by its authors as a unique tool to study social mobility in Spain. In this paper I contend that the Atlas is actually a bad tool for studying social mobility for both conceptual and methodological reasons. Conceptually, the Atlas offers a limited tool because it reduces social mobility to income mobility and this obscures our understanding of the factors and mechanisms involved in the processes of socio-economic attainment and the transmission of social (dis)advantage. The Atlas is also, and most importantly, a bad tool for the study of intergenerational income mobility because its immense database introduces severe methodological biases, which inevitably lead to a gross overestimation of the actual levels of income mobility in Spain.El Atlas de Oportunidades, impulsado por las fundaciones Felipe González y Cotec, ha sido recientemente presentado por sus autores como una herramienta única para estudiar la movilidad social en España. En este trabajo sostengo que el Atlas es, en realidad, una mala herramienta para el estudio de la movilidad social, tanto por razones conceptuales como, sobre todo, por razones metodológicas. El Atlas es una herramienta conceptualmente limitada porque reduce la movilidad social a la movilidad de ingresos y esto oscurece nuestra compresión de los factores y procesos implicados en el logro socio-económico y la transmisión de la (des)ventaja social. El Atlas es, además, una mala base de datos para estudiar la movilidad intergeneracional de ingresos porque, a pesar de su gigantesco tamaño, introduce sesgos muy serios, que conducen inevitablemente a una abultada sobrestimación de la movilidad de ingresos realmente existente en España
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