1,721,018 research outputs found
Democratic Responsiveness Project Datasets
No full textThe 'MIP data monthly' data set contains imputed values for the proportion of Canadians (in subsets of Canadians) identifying 27 different issues as the most important each month from October 1965 to November 2009. The imputed values are for the average Canadian, the Progressive Conservative Party base, the Liberal Party base, and the Reform Party / Conservative Party base. The imputation procedure is described in: Pickup, Mark and Colin Whelan. 2014. "Differentiating the issue priorities of NDP supporters." In The NDP. Eds. David Laycock and Lynda Erikson. UBC Press. This data has also been used in: Pickup, Mark, and Sara B. Hobolt. 2015. “The Conditionality of the Trade-off between Government Responsiveness and Effectiveness: The Impact of Minority Status and Polls in the Canadian House of Commons.” Electoral Studies 40: 517-530.
The 'legislative success Canada' data set includes measures of the legislative success, popularity and minority governments status of Canadian Federal governments from the beginning of the 24th Parliament to the end of the 40th. This includes 42 sessions of Parliament and spans the temporal period 1958 to 2008. A description of the data and its use can be found in: Pickup, Mark, and Sara B. Hobolt. 2015. “The Conditionality of the Trade-off between Government Responsiveness and Effectiveness: The Impact of Minority Status and Polls in the Canadian House of Commons.” Electoral Studies 40: 517-530
Replication Data for: Expressive Politics as (Costly) Norm Following
No full textWhen deciding whether to support a political candidate, policy or cause, individuals are observed to prioritize the expression of their political identities. They even knowingly incur personal costs (a lower wage, strained family relations) to do so. We argue that viewing political identities as social identities that impart norms on who or what one ought to support can help explain such costly political expression. Through population-based survey experiments, we show that individuals are aware of the norms attached to their political identities; will knowingly choose norm-compliance at personal cost; and that this costly political identity expression varies with norm salience and strength. Our results imply that as political identities strengthen, group norm compliance will increase, even at a cost, rendering compromise between political groups less likely
Canadian Federal Election Vote Intention Polls: 1945 - 2011
No full textCanadian federal election vote intention poll data curated for Pickup (2010)
Canadian Federal Election Vote Intention Polls: 1945 - 2011
No full textCanadian federal election vote intention poll data curated for Pickup (2010)
Replication For: Equation Balance in Time Series Analysis: Lessons Learned and Lessons Needed
No full textThe papers in this symposium use Monte Carlo simulations to demonstrate the consequences of estimating time series models with variables that are of different orders of integration. In this summary, I do the following: very briefly outline what we learn from the papers; identify an apparent contradiction that might increase, rather than decrease, confusion around the concept of a balanced time series model; suggest a resolution; and identify a few areas of research that could further increase our understanding of how variables with different dynamics might be combined. In doing these things, I suggest there is still a lack of clarity around how a research practitioner demonstrates balance, and demonstrates what Pickup and Kellstedt (2020) call I(0) balance
Canadian Federal Election Vote Intention Polls: 1945 - 2019
No full textVote Intention Polls, Canadian Federal Election, 201-201
Replication Data for: Transformed-Likelihood Estimators for Dynamic Panel Models with a Very Small T
No full textConventional OLS fixed-effects and GLS random-effects estimators of dynamic models
that control for individual-effects are known to be biased when applied to short
panel data (T <= 10). GMM estimators are the most used alternative but are known to
have drawbacks. Transformed-likelihood estimators are unused in political science.
Of these, orthogonal reparameterization estimators are only tangentially referred to in
any discipline. We introduce these estimators and test their performance, demonstrating
that the unused orthogonal reparameterization transformed-likelihood estimator
in particular performs very well and is an improvement on the commonly used GMM
estimators. When T and/or N are small, it provides efficiency gains and overcomes
the issues GMM estimators encounter in the estimation of long-run effects when the
coefficient on the lagged dependent variable is close to one
Replication Data for: Balance as a Pre-Estimation Test for Time Series Analysis
No full textIt is understood that ensuring equation balance is a necessary condition for a valid model of times series data. Yet, the definition of balance provided so far has been incomplete and there has not been a consistent understanding of exactly why balance is important or how it can be applied. The discussion to date has focused on the estimates produced by the GECM. In this paper, we go beyond the GECM and be- yond model estimates. We treat equation balance as a theoretical matter, not merely an empirical one, and describe how to use the concept of balance to test theoretical propositions before longitudinal data have been gathered. We explain how equation balance can be used to check if your theoretical or empirical model is either wrong or incomplete in a way that will prevent a meaningful interpretation of the model. We also raise the issue of “I(0) balance” and its importance.
The replication dataset includes the Stata .do file and .dta file to replicate the analysis in section 4.1 of the Supplementary Information
Replication Data for: For and Against Brexit: A Survey Experiment of the Impact of Campaign Effects on Public Attitudes toward EU Membership
No full textWhat can the case of the 2016 referendum on UK membership of the European Union (EU) teach us about message framing effects and arguments that persuade citizens whether or not to support the EU? In this article, we report findings from an innovative online survey experiment based on a two-wave panel design. Our findings show that despite the expectation that campaign effects are small for high salience issues – such as Brexit – the potential for campaign effects were high for the pro-EU frames. This suggests that within an asymmetrical information environment – where the arguments for one side of an issue (anti-EU) are “priced in”, while arguments for the other side (pro-EU) have been understated – the potential for campaign effects in a single direction are substantial. To the extent that this environment is reflected in other referendum campaigns, the potential effect of pro-EU frames may be substantial
Replication Data for: For and Against Brexit: A Survey Experiment of the Impact of Campaign Effects on Public Attitudes toward EU Membership
No full textWhat can the case of the 2016 referendum on UK membership of the European Union (EU) teach us about message framing effects and arguments that persuade citizens whether or not to support the EU? In this article, we report findings from an innovative online survey experiment based on a two-wave panel design. Our findings show that despite the expectation that campaign effects are small for high salience issues – such as Brexit – the potential for campaign effects were high for the pro-EU frames. This suggests that within an asymmetrical information environment – where the arguments for one side of an issue (anti-EU) are “priced in”, while arguments for the other side (pro-EU) have been understated – the potential for campaign effects in a single direction are substantial. To the extent that this environment is reflected in other referendum campaigns, the potential effect of pro-EU frames may be substantial
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