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    Ryūkyū hōgen shinshiryō o mochiita jōdai tokushu kanazukai no kentō

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    本研究は、上代特殊仮名遣いに反映されている音韻的対立が現代琉球方言に残存しているかという問題を、琉球方言の新資料をもとに考察する。8世紀の文献における万葉仮名の用法の分析から、上代語におけるイ、エ、オ段の音節に甲乙二種の区別を有することが明らかになった。このような区別が琉球方言に残存するということは、服部 (1978)、 村山 (1981)、名嘉真 (1992)、Pellard (forthcoming) で示唆され、いろいろな観点から検討されてきた。本研究で検討された方言では上代特殊仮名遣いと一対一の対応は見られないが、上代語の音韻的対立を反映しているところがいくつかがあることがわかった。本稿では、北琉球の加計呂麻方言および南琉球の波照間方言を中心として、いくつかの単語を比較検討を行い、上代語の「キ」という音節とオ段の音節に焦点をあて琉球方言と上代特殊仮名遣いとの関連を再検討する

    Review of Shimoji, M. (ed.) (2022). An Introduction to Japonic Languages. Grammatical Sketches of Japanese Dialects and Ryukyuan Languages. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 341 pp.

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    The book An Introduction to Japonic Languages. Grammatical Sketches of Japanese Dialects and Ryukyuan Languages, edited by Michinori Shimoji, Associate Professor in Linguistics at Kyushu University, aims to do justice to the complexity and diversity of the linguistic scenario of the Japanese archipelago by offering scholars of linguistic typology an insight into some contemporary Japonic language varieties, i.e. languages derived from Proto-Japonic. Whereas studies of historical linguistics frequently – and justifiably – refer to ancient languages and reconstructed forms, the term Japonic is applied here to contemporary local varieties that share many traits with standard Japanese, yet present their own interesting characteristics from the point of view of typological linguistics. Indeed, the book is mainly addressed to scholars of linguistic typology, who up until now have mainly used samples from standard Japanese as the only point of reference for the Japonic languages. It is therefore a valuable resource for linguists who do not have access to secondary sources written in Japanese but need reliable and up-to-date data on the characteristics of the languages spoken in the Japanese archipelago

    Chūkan gengo on'inron kenkyū - itariago bogowasha ni yoru nihongo pitchi akusento no chikaku to seisei no jikken kekka bunseki

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    本稿の目的は、イタリア人日本語学習者の中間言語の音声的・音韻論的特徴を分析し記 述することである。分析の際、日本語ピッチアクセントの知覚と生成という二つのパラメ ーターを手掛かりとし、2 種類の横断的調査を行った。まず、アクセントの知覚を分析す るための聴取実験であるが、概要は以下の通り。1)学習レベル別の 48 名の被験者に四つの アクセント型を含む無意味語のリストを聞かせ、アクセント核を記させる。2)アクセント 型別正答率の集計結果から、四つのアクセント型の難易度を推定する。3)学習レベル別の 正答率の推移の観察から、習得プロセスを解明する。次に、アクセントの生成に関しては、 学習レベル別の 20 名の被験者にアクセント核をつけた文を読ませ、その音声の録音結果を 音響音声学的に分析する。すなわち、ピッチ、インテンシティー、長さの三つのパラメー ターを測定し、学習レベル別の被験者がどのように音を強調するかを検証する

    Hateruma hōgen ni henshū no onkyō onseigakuteki hikaku

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    本研究は、消滅しつつある琉球方言のひとつである八重山方言群波照間方言の音声学的な構造を解明し、それに関連する歴史的・方言地理学的な変異の重要な側面について考察する。波照間方言は波照間島のみならず、石垣島の白保集落でも話されている。以下、2つの方言変種をそれぞれ波照間変種と、白保変種と呼ぶことにする。白保集落は、1713年波照間島から300余人を受け入れて独立したが、1771年の明和の大津波によって1574人の村人が亡くなり破滅的な被害を受け、その後首里王府政策により波照間島から418人受け入れて再建された。波照間変種と白保変種は基礎語彙と文法では大きな相違は見られないが、音韻構造には相違が見られる(狩俣 2008)。\ud 本研究の目的は波照間変種と白保変種の相違を音響音声学的に分析することである。分析対象として、それぞれの母音体系を取り上げる。それら2変種の比較研究が、本研究の重要な研究トピックの一つになる

    Sulla relazione storica tra il giapponese del periodo Nara e i dialetti ryukyuani contemporanei.

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    This thesis aims to investigate and prove the historical relationship between jōdai tokushu kanazukai from Nara period literary works and vocalic systems within contemporary Ryukyuan dialects. Ryukyuan dialects are quite conservative and show several features of Old Japanese, which disappeared in mainland dialects, and their language history may illuminate our understanding of mainland Japanese linguistic changes.\u2028\u2028 The discovery that certain syllables which are now pronounced identically were given systematic distinctions in terms of different characters in the Nara period works, such as Kojiki (712), and Man’yōshū (759), led to the hypothesis that in addition to a and u, there were, in Old Japanase, two types of i, e and o. The two series of the latter have traditionally been designated by the class names kō and otsu. The theory of the eight-vowel system is widely accepted but, in recent times, many scholars have provided different theories regarding its validity. Hattori Shirō (1976) and Matsumoto Katsumi (1984) proposed systems of five and six vowels for Old Japanese, in which the distinction of the two series of syllables with high vowels is due to the presence or absence of palatalization or labialization of the consonants. With this thesis I intend to further elaborate on this topic, investigating the phonological system of Ryukyuan dialects which have not been examined in detail yet. I will take into consideration dialects of the five subgroups (Amami, Okinawa, Miyako, Yaeyama, Yonaguni), but I will focus on the dialect of Kakeroma (Amami), as a representative of the northern Ryukyuan dialect group, and the dialect of Hateruma (Yaeyama), as a representative of the southern Ryukyuan dialect group. The linguistic data useful for this research have been collected through fieldworks in the Ryukyuan archipelago. After a rigorous analysis of the phonological system of these two dialects, a comparative study will be carried out. Through a comparison between cognates of the Kakeroma and Hateruma dialects, and Old Japanese, it will be possible to verify, whether the theory of three distinct syllables in proto-Japanese of Hattori (1978-79) can be also applied to other Ryukyuan dialects. Also, as part of the comparative analysis, the chain of diachronic change will be reconstructed, in order to show which kind of evolution stands behind the discrepancy among different Ryukyuan dialects

    Hateruma hōgen ni henshu no onkyō onseigakuteki hikaku

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    The aim of this paper is to analyse two varieties of Hateruma dialect, in order to describe diatopic and diachronic changes. Hateruma dialect belongs to Yaeyama dialect group, and is spoken on Hateruma island as well as in the Shiraho village of Ishigaki island. The paper aims to compare the two varieties through an acoustic phonetic analysis, setting as parameter the vowel space. It also carries out a comparative analysis between the varieties spoken by different generations, in order to show diachronic changes . The acoustic phonetic approach allows us to gain a deeper understanding of the Hateruma dialect vowel system

    Il mito dell’isocronia moraica in giapponese. Un’analisi quantitativa basata su corpora orali

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    Pike (1945) classified the world languages into two types of rhythmic/prosodic patterns: stress-timed and syllable-timed. According to this classification, stress-timed languages, like English and German, tend to have isochronous interstress intervals, while syllable-timed languages, like Italian and Spanish, tend to have equal syllable duration. Ladefoged (1975) added the mora-timed type, in which isochrony is maintained at the level of the mora, a sub-syllabic constituent that includes either onset and nucleus, or a coda. Japanese is often referred to as a mora-timed language (Otake 2015): the mora is the psychological prosodic unit in spoken language, and the metric unit of traditional poetry (Bloch 1950). The syllabaries, in which each grapheme corresponds to a mora, make this prosodic segmentation clear. However, previous experimental studies have claimed that the mora is not a perfect isochronousunit (Warner and Arai 2001).The aim of this paper is to present the rhythm-prosodic system of the Japanese language giving a precise description of its prosodic units --the mora and the syllable--, and to provide empirical quantitative data on the duration of mora in spontaneous Japanese. The dataset used in the present study is a portion of the Corpus of Spontaneous Japanese called Core, consisting ofabout 45 hours ofextensively annotated speech. The variation of the average duration of the mora has been analysed on the basis of linguistic parameters, such as the typology of mora and the phonotactic structure of the word in which it is included, and of extra-linguistic parameters,such as the typology of speech.Pike (1945) classified the world languages into two types of rhythmic/prosodic patterns: stress-timed and syllable-timed. According to this classification, stress-timed languages, like English and German, tend to have isochronous interstress intervals, while syllable-timed languages, like Italian and Spanish, tend to have equal syllable duration. Ladefoged (1975) added the mora-timed type, in which isochrony is maintained at the level of the mora, a sub-syllabic constituent that includes either onset and nucleus, or a coda. Japanese is often referred to as a mora-timed language (Otake 2015): the mora is the psychological prosodic unit in spoken language, and the metric unit of traditional poetry (Bloch 1950). The syllabaries, in which each grapheme corresponds to a mora, make this prosodic segmentation clear. However, previous experimental studies have claimed that the mora is not a perfect isochronous unit (Warner and Arai 2001). The aim of this paper is to present the rhythm-prosodic system of the Japanese language giving a precise description of its prosodic units--the mora and the syllable--, and to provide empirical quantitative data on the duration of mora in spontaneous Japanese. The dataset used in the present study is a portion of the Corpus of Spontaneous Japanese called Core, consisting of about 45 hours of extensively annotated speech. The variation of the average duration of the mora has been analysed on the basis of linguistic parameters, such as the typology of mora and the phonotactic structure of the word in which it is included, and of extra-linguistic parameters, such as the typology of speech
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