4,481 research outputs found
Mitologije Arberesev
No full textIn this article Emilio Cocco investigates the reasons why it should be important to write of the contemporary political mythology of the Arbereshe, an old Albanian minority that settled in Southern Italy from the 16th century onwards. Emilio Cocco assumes that some good reasons can be found in the political situation concerning Albania, Italy and broadly speaking the whole regional stability. Although the importance of such a tiny ethnic community could be consideed residual, the author suggests that on the contrary a reflection on Arbereshe mythological self-representation should be endorsed, especially nowadays. In fact, Emilio Cocco thinks that from little occurences and smal phenomena it might be possibile to better understand larger problems. Even though, for many observers could not be easy to see the link between the populr imagination in some scattered villages and international security problems. Conversely, it is exactly when the outburst of violence, troubles and illegal activities affects straightaway the stability and the security prospects of the area that more unseen and marginal- though important – issues run the risk to be let apart. The Arbereshe are barely recognised within contemporary Italy and subsist as one of the most neglected community from a political point of view. On the contrary, other sub-alpine national minorities are largely granted and manage to play important roles into the internal and foreigh affairs. AS a matter of fact, while the French, German and Slovenia minorities got a special status within autonomous regions of the Italian Republic, the Arbereshe did not. The link with Albania is just fanciful and emotional, inscribed in people imagination but never really legitimised politically. Accordingly, Emilio Cocco attempts to investigate the significance of the 15th century overseas memories in the making of the Arbereshe identity. Moreover, he tries to highlight the nature of the Italo-Albanian bond constituted by the special Arbereshe experience. In other words, the point he makes is that the alleged descendants of the Skanderbeg would bear a double identity and their mythological make-up would work for a supra-national political identity, which is summed up by the sentence “Two Hearts, One country” and is symbolised by the image of Skanderbeg itself. The article is divided in three main parts: in the first one Emilio Cocco analyses some important pieces of work of the modern Arbereshe intellectual elite. In the second one, he considers the political present day implications of the famous epic of Skanderbeg. Finally, in the third part, Cocco illustrate show concretely the double-identity pattern keeps on projecting the Arbereshe community outside a single national framework. [...
La Croazia si riscopre balcanica
No full textThe article represents one of the few and probably more detailed sociological and geopolitical analysis of the Croatian post-communist transtition in Italian language. It discussed the main issues and topics that shaped the public dbate of Croatia since the collapse of Yugoslavia. Emilio Cocco, the author, backs his arguments with references to political discourses, national symbolism, statistic, historiography and opinion leaders assessments. Nonetheless, the text is intended for a multidisciplinary audience and maintains a smooth style. Emilio Cocco main argument is that the nature of post-communist Croatian transition is paradoxical. On one hand , the efforts of the new Croatian national political and cultural elite were oriented towards the establishment of a European, Western and anti-Balkan national identity. On the other one, the same strategy eventually led to a somehow fratricide war, regional frictions, international isolation, cultural depression and human rights violations. To discuss his thesis, Emilio Cocco takes into consideration some crucial issues. Firstly, the problems deriving from the economic transition to market economy and the contested privatization process along nationalist lines, which was intended to create a politically loyal national middle class. Secondly, the quasi-totalitarian role of the HDZ, the major political party, which acted as a natural and necessary intermediary between the state and the people. By claiming the legitimacy to represent the only real interest of the Croats and of the Croatian state, the role of the HDZ was ambivalent and often authoritarian. Thirdly, the process of cultural separation and political deconciliation from the Serbs and from Yugoslavia. This process meant a differentiated set of politically oriented decisions in different cultural fields, from language policies, to education, cinema and arts. As a result, the new national elite promoted in the 1990s a politically approved way to be a Croat. And, eventually, the investment on ethnic policies that were intended to draw the borders of croat-ness had a negative impact at the territorial level, where regional and local differences became more relevants. As a conclusion, Emilio Cocco assumes that the end of the homeland war, the regional stabilisation and the EU integration process would lead to a progressive democratization and de-balkanisation of Croatia. Nonethelss, the way Croatian state has been founded won’t change and some political mythologies will be there in the future too. Therefore, the pacification of Croatia with Europe and the International Community would not necessary bring a similar step with the Balkan neighbours
L'analisi S.W.O.T.
No full textThis chapter is part of the methodological section of a scientific report issued after an exstensive fieldwork took place in the province of Teramo. The goal of the research has been to evaluate the state of the social services in the Province of Teramo and was carried out by a research group made of selected researchers belinging to the department of social Theories and Policies of Social Development of the University of Teramo. The chapter wrote by Emilio Cocco discusses the technique of the S.W.O.T. analysis as a tool to apply to the data collected in the present research work. The author describes how the SOWT technique was created and its first applications in the thoery of organisation and in political economy. Then, Emilio Cocco discusses the sociological implications of such a technique and the potentialities of its use for the treatement of complex set of data, which included both statistics and interviews. Some examples of the SOWT analysis and guidelines for a proper use are provided too. [...
Nazionalismo e astensionismo nella ex Jugoslavia
No full textEmilio Cocco presents in this chapter an analysis of the relations between the phenomenon of astensionism and the one of nationalism. Particularly, the author shed light on the way astensionism has favoured the electoral victory of right-wing and nationalist oriented parties throughout former Yugoslavia at the turn of the 21st century. Moreover, Emilio Cocco aism to establish a connection between the electoral strenght of the nationalist parties in former Yugoslavia and the empowerment of right-wing parties wihin the EU. The thesis suggested is that the weakening of the EU idea and the revival of ethnic, national or regional exclusivist ideas in Western Europe has had an impact on the local electoral arena of post-Yugosalv countries. Also, the lack of appeal of a non-nationalist approach and the contemporary growth of euro-skeptical orientation in the regional constituencies set the stage for a stronger stance of nationalism. The author takes into consideration political discourses and electoral data of different countries in Western Europe and former Yugoslavia, with special regards to the case of Croatia. Here, the analysis is more deep and Emilio Cocco approaches the most important features of the post-Tudjman political debate. First of all the thesis about the defensive carachter of the homeland war and the impossibility for Croatian citizens to be judged by any foregin or international tribunal. This thesis has been cherished by the right wing opinion and has animated a wide transversal nationalist front, which took antagonist stances in front of the EU and the International Community. Concretely, the electoral campagin that led to electoral success the nationalis parties in Croatia revolved around issues such as the one of the «indicted Generals» like Gotovina, Bobetko or Norac. The case of the «Generals» demonstrates how to stirr up nationalist feelings for electoral reasons is eventually detrimental to the international relations of the country itself. Accordingly, the author discusses the implication of the Tudjman's defensive doctrine for the present day realtions of Croatia with countries such as USA, UK and other EU countries
Space and Identities at the South Eastern European Frontier
No full textIn this chapter, which is part of a larger collection on the issues of sustainable tourism and transport development in the Adriatic-Ionian region, Emilio Cocco discusses the notion of “frontier” with regards to the Adriatic-Ionian space. The concept of frontier is consider both for its ecological and social implication; thus, like all geo-morphological diversities, also the ones included in the notion of frontier are not just geographical phenomena but do mark symbolic differences and engender identity-making processes. The discussion starts with the critical reassessment of the 19th century natural borders theory, whereby the idea of natural border was interpreted as a metaphisical and predestined ideal to conquer and achieve, thus prolonging the illusion of a true natural order.
Differently, from a sociological point of view, the author points out that the course of nature performs the function of support for cognitive social conventions. And these conventions, in turn, operate a a symbolic and mythical level, mainly bringing about implications for the settlement of the social order. In thsi perspective, which owns mostly to the revised functionalist framework of the anthropologist Mary Douglas, the symbolistation of the space is just one of the means to establish social unity and not necessarily the expression of the unity itself. And a realisation of a territorial order within certain geographical limits can only occur through a symbolic reiteration of their “naturalness”, as suggested by Marc Augé. For that reason, Emilio Cocco, addresses the problem of the troubled relations between territoy and society in Socuth-Eastern Europe by referring to the notions of spatiality (J. Agnew) and territoriality (Tuathail, Luke), which are important to disintangle the concepts of space and territory. Thus, these reflections are reversed into a concept of frontier that should work conceptually to explain the many typical conflicts of South Eastern Europe, where interactions between space, territory and identity are carachterised by frequent reference to the defence/preservation of a social identity. Consequently, Emilio Cocco articulates his discussion of the notion of frontier applied to the South Eastern European context by analysing and comparing a number of theoretical scholary work. Eventually, he makes an attempt to sketch out the dynamics of exlcusion and inclusion acording to the paradigm of cultural frontier. Eventually, he suggests that the notion of frontier could work both as a scholary and as a policy tool to challenge the problems of social conflict in South Eastern Europe
Aspetti della criminalità organizzata nei Balcani
No full textEmilio Cocco investigates in this chaper the topic of organised crime in the Balkans and aims to frame it as a development problem. Cocco deals with the major theories of organised crime and discuss the most important issues of the debate. Also, he brings in examples from a selection of case studies from former Yugoslav countries and Albania. According to the author, the growth of organised crime is one of the most relevant factors intervening in the shaping of the present political and economic outlook of the region. Also, it is an early warning mechanism that indicates the inconsistencies and the gaps of the political measures that should engender economic development and territorial balance. In other words, Cocco suggests that organised crime is not just a matter of public order or law enforcement but it refers to the corruptive influence on political and economic institutions that is hold by criminal subjects, which activate ehtnic ties or exploit the attraction of easy money making mechanisms on the legal actors. For Emilio Cocco organised crime shall be defined as an illegal activity performed by a collectivity to earn money and make profit from a set of goods and services prohibited by the law. In this perspective, a first major distinction is drawn between ordinary crime and organised crime, where the latter it is usually overestimated and confused with less sophisticated criminal activities. As a matter of fact, one can speak of organised crime only when specific circumstances occur and first of all the existence of a coordinated collective action oriented towards an increased efficiency too complex to be carried out individually. Secondly, the organised crime implies a relationship between the illegal activities and the legal world, that is to say the ability to build strict cooperative networks with the legal economy and the political systems. Accordingly, the article explores the way organised crime take shape in the Balkans after the collapse of socialist systems, pointing out the remarkable level of efficiency pursued by those illegal institutions. A major reason for such a success is found in the collapse itself of the institutional setting, which brought about war, insecurity and more fragile institutions. These conditions are optimal for the development of criminal organisations on the territory as they are able to blackmail and exploit the legal institutions and to provide the necessary services of protection. Accordingly, the type of organised crime that flourishes in the Balkans is quite similar to the Mafia, the way it ha been labeled by Gambetta, as they are stable and organised industry that provide protection to legal and illegal activities. Nonetheless, the organised crime of the Balkans maintains specific and orginal features such as the one of its «transnational» carachter, which is different from the «international» or «diaspora» nature of the Sicilian Mafia. In other words, the organisation operting in the Balkans are able to work in more complex environment and to establish networks across traditional ethnic barriers
Argyropelecus hemigymnus Cocco 1829
No full text<i>Argyropelecus hemigymnus</i> Cocco, 1829 <p> <i>Argyropelecus hemigymnus</i> Cocco, 1829: 146. Type locality: Messina, Sicily, Italy.</p> <p> <i>Argyropelecus hemigymnus</i>, Galil & Goren, 1994: 49; Goren & Galil, 1997: 201, 2002: 151.</p> <p> <b>Distribution.</b> Circumglobal; depth range 0–2400 m.</p>Published as part of <i>Goren, Menachem & Galil, Bella S., 2015, A checklist of the deep sea fishes of the Levant Sea, Mediterranean Sea, pp. 507-530 in Zootaxa 3994 (4)</i> on page 520, DOI: 10.11646/zootaxa.3994.4.2, <a href="http://zenodo.org/record/244394">http://zenodo.org/record/244394</a>
Argyropelecus hemigymnus Cocco.
No full text40. Argyropelecus hemigymnus, Cocco. Argyropelecus hemigymnus, Cocco, Giorn. Sc. Sic. 1829, fasc. 77, p. 146.Bonaparte, Faun. Ital. Pesc.Cuv. & Val., Ilist. Nat. Poiss., XXII. p. 398. Günther, Cat. Fish. Brit. Mus., V. p. 385. Sternoptyx hemigymnus, Valenciennes, in Cuvier, Regne Animal, 111. Poiss., PI. 103, fig. 3.? Sternoptyx mediterráneo., Cocco, Giorni il Faro, 1838, IV. p. 7, fig. 2.Bonaparte, Faun. Ital. Pesc., Fig. This species was obtained at Station 315, at a depth of 225 fathoms. It was also obtained by the steamer " Fish Hawk," August 18, 1882, at Station 1112 (Lat. 39° 5(3' N., Long. 70° 35' W., 245 fathoms), and was seen by Dr. Bean on the same vessel in 18S0.Published as part of Goode, G. B. & Bean, T. H., 1883, Reports on the results of dredging under the supervision of Alexander Agassiz, on the east coast of the United States, during the summer of 1880, by the U. S. coast survey steamer " Blake, " Commander J. R. Bartlett, U. S. N., commanding., pp. 183-226 in Bulletin of the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard College 10 (5) on page 220, DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.2809
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