1,720,996 research outputs found
Mass media and the attribution of blame for globalization
No full textMuch is known about the domestic politics of globalization but political scientists have largely ignored one critical link between the international economy and many individuals around the world: mass media. Considering the likely effects of mass media on public perceptions of responsibility, this article develops an argument about the effects of mass media on individuals' blame attributions for the adjustment costs of economic globalization. The theory is tested on survey data from France in 1992-1993. The evidence shows that mass media shift the public’s blame attributions away from the government and toward external, international forces. The key implication is that the effect of media on blame attributions for globalization may decrease electoral accountability for the consequences of international economic policymaking
Replication Data for: Does Media Coverage Drive Public Support for UKIP or Does Public Support for UKIP Drive Media Coverage?
No full textPrevious research suggests media attention may cause support for populist right-wing
parties, but extant evidence is mostly limited to proportional representation systems in
which such an effect would be most likely. At the same time, in the United Kingdom's
first-past-the-post system, an ongoing political and regulatory debate revolves around
whether the media give disproportionate coverage to the populist right-wing UK
Independence Party (UKIP). We use a mixed-methods research design to investigate
the causal dynamics of UKIP support and media coverage as an especially valuable
case. Vector autoregression (VAR) using monthly, aggregate time-series data from
January 2004 to April 2017 provides new evidence consistent with a model in which
media coverage drives party support, but not vice-versa. Additionally, we identify key
periods in which stagnating or declining support for UKIP is followed by increases in
media coverage and subsequent increases in public support. The findings show that
media coverage may drive public support for right-wing populist parties, in a
substantively non-trivial fashion irreducible to previous levels of public support, even in
a national institutional environment least supportive of such an effect. The findings
have implications for political debates in the United Kingdom and potentially other
liberal democracies
Replication Data for: Does Media Coverage Drive Public Support for UKIP or Does Public Support for UKIP Drive Media Coverage?
No full textPrevious research suggests media attention may cause support for populist right-wing
parties, but extant evidence is mostly limited to proportional representation systems in
which such an effect would be most likely. At the same time, in the United Kingdom's
first-past-the-post system, an ongoing political and regulatory debate revolves around
whether the media give disproportionate coverage to the populist right-wing UK
Independence Party (UKIP). We use a mixed-methods research design to investigate
the causal dynamics of UKIP support and media coverage as an especially valuable
case. Vector autoregression (VAR) using monthly, aggregate time-series data from
January 2004 to April 2017 provides new evidence consistent with a model in which
media coverage drives party support, but not vice-versa. Additionally, we identify key
periods in which stagnating or declining support for UKIP is followed by increases in
media coverage and subsequent increases in public support. The findings show that
media coverage may drive public support for right-wing populist parties, in a
substantively non-trivial fashion irreducible to previous levels of public support, even in
a national institutional environment least supportive of such an effect. The findings
have implications for political debates in the United Kingdom and potentially other
liberal democracies
Are “Stand Your Ground” laws racist and sexist? A statistical analysis of cases in Florida, 2005-2013
No full textObjective: I test for racial and gender bias in the enforcement of “stand your ground" (SYG)laws,controlling for potential confounders often invoked to reject claims of racism and sexism. Method: Regressions, simulations, and genetic matching are conducted using case-level data from 237 incidents in the US state of Florida between 2005 and 2013. Results: Controlling for potential confounders, the probability of conviction for a white defendant against a white victim is an estimated 90% with much error; for a black defendant it is nearly 100% with little error. For a male defendant in a domestic case, the probability is 40% whereas for a female defendant it is 80%. Conclusions: Enforcement of SYG laws appears biased against people of color in general and women specifically in the home. Policy implications are especially stark because these findings contradict recent research conducted for the US Senate.<br/
Replication Data for: Does Media Coverage Drive Public Support for UKIP or Does Public Support for UKIP Drive Media Coverage?
No full textPrevious research suggests media attention may cause support for populist right-wing
parties, but extant evidence is mostly limited to proportional representation systems in
which such an effect would be most likely. At the same time, in the United Kingdom's
first-past-the-post system, an ongoing political and regulatory debate revolves around
whether the media give disproportionate coverage to the populist right-wing UK
Independence Party (UKIP). We use a mixed-methods research design to investigate
the causal dynamics of UKIP support and media coverage as an especially valuable
case. Vector autoregression (VAR) using monthly, aggregate time-series data from
January 2004 to April 2017 provides new evidence consistent with a model in which
media coverage drives party support, but not vice-versa. Additionally, we identify key
periods in which stagnating or declining support for UKIP is followed by increases in
media coverage and subsequent increases in public support. The findings show that
media coverage may drive public support for right-wing populist parties, in a
substantively non-trivial fashion irreducible to previous levels of public support, even in
a national institutional environment least supportive of such an effect. The findings
have implications for political debates in the United Kingdom and potentially other
liberal democracies
Artificial intelligence, rationality, and the World Wide Web
No full textScholars debate whether the arrival of artificial super intelligence - a form of intelligence that significantly exceeds the cognitive performance of humans in most domains - would bring positive or negative consequences. I argue that a third possibility is plausible yet generally overlooked: for several different reasons, an artificial superintelligence might choose to exert no appreciable effect on the status quo ante (the already existing collective superintelligence of commercial cyberspace). Building on scattered insights from web science, philosophy, and cognitive psychology, I elaborate and defend this argument in the context of current debates about the future of artificial intelligence.</p
Replication Data for: Does Media Coverage Drive Public Support for UKIP or Does Public Support for UKIP Drive Media Coverage?
No full textPrevious research suggests media attention may cause support for populist right-wing
parties, but extant evidence is mostly limited to proportional representation systems in
which such an effect would be most likely. At the same time, in the United Kingdom's
first-past-the-post system, an ongoing political and regulatory debate revolves around
whether the media give disproportionate coverage to the populist right-wing UK
Independence Party (UKIP). We use a mixed-methods research design to investigate
the causal dynamics of UKIP support and media coverage as an especially valuable
case. Vector autoregression (VAR) using monthly, aggregate time-series data from
January 2004 to April 2017 provides new evidence consistent with a model in which
media coverage drives party support, but not vice-versa. Additionally, we identify key
periods in which stagnating or declining support for UKIP is followed by increases in
media coverage and subsequent increases in public support. The findings show that
media coverage may drive public support for right-wing populist parties, in a
substantively non-trivial fashion irreducible to previous levels of public support, even in
a national institutional environment least supportive of such an effect. The findings
have implications for political debates in the United Kingdom and potentially other
liberal democracies
Does media coverage drive public support for UKIP or does public support for UKIP drive media coverage?
No full textPrevious research suggests media attention may cause support for populist right- wing parties, but extant evidence is mostly limited to proportional representation systems in which such an effect would be most likely. At the same time, in the United Kingdom’s first-past-the-post system, an ongoing political and regulatory debate revolves around whether the media give disproportionate coverage to the populist right- wing UK Independence Party (UKIP). We use a mixed-methods research design to investigate the causal dynamics of UKIP support and media coverage as an especially valuable case. Vector autoregression (VAR) using monthly, aggregate time-series data from January 2004 to April 2017 provides new evidence consistent with a model in which media coverage drives party support, but not vice-versa. Additionally, we identify key periods in which stagnating or declining support for UKIP is followed by increases in media coverage and subsequent increases in public support. The findings show that media coverage may drive public support for right-wing populist parties, in a substantively non-trivial fashion irreducible to previous levels of public support, even in a national institutional environment least supportive of such an effect. The findings have implications for political debates in the United Kingdom and potentially other liberal democracies
Candidate gender and media attention in the 2015 UK General Election
No full textSome scholars have argued that lower levels of media attention given to female candidates, relative to male candidates, may contribute to the under-representation of women in politics. Yet, other research suggests female candidates may receive more coverage than male candidates. To advance our understanding of this issue, we introduce and analyse a novel dataset measuring the weekly quantity of newspaper coverage given to 72 different candidates across 34 of the most marginal constituencies in the 2015 UK General Election. The data span 31 local and 6 national newspapers. Statistical analyses and two pairs of quantitatively matched, qualitative comparisons suggest that female candidates received more newspaper coverage than male candidates, even after controlling for several alternative predictors of media attention including party, incumbency, and time until election. Our findings have important implications for debates about gender equality in British politics
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