254 research outputs found

    Le roi Nadir Shah assis sur un tapis

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    École moghole, vers 1740Nadir Shah Tahmasp Quli Khan (1688-1747), « de la province de Korassan, fils d'un paysan qui avait pour tout bien un troupeau et quelques chameaux », fut chef de la tribu turkmène des Afshar. Il entra en 1727 au service du Shah de Perse Tahmasp II. Grâce à son génie de la guerre, il défendit le territoire iranien contre les Afghans. Nommé gouverneur des provinces de l'ouest, il mena campagne jusqu'en Azerbaïjan et lutta contre les Ottomans. Il déposa Tahmasp, puis son fils Abbas III, un enfant, et monta sur le trône en 1736. Il franchit l'Indus, battit Muhammad Shah à Karnal en 1739, ordonna le sac de Delhi, pilla les trésors de l'empire moghol, emportant notamment le fameux trône du paon. Il fut assassiné à Kandahar, en 1747. Nadir Shah Afshar porte une haute coiffe, sorte de couronne à quatre pointes, dont il introduisit la mode et qui devint l'emblème de la nouvelle dynastie des Afsharides.téléchargeabl

    Explaining Nadir Shah: Kingship and Royal Legitimacy in Muhammad Kazim Marvi's <i>Tārīkh-i ‘ālam-ārā-yi Nādirī</i>

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    One of the most important contemporary Persian prose chronicles of Nadir Shah's life is the Tārīkh-i ‘ālam-ārā-yi Nādirī (The World-Illuminating History of Nadir). Its author, Muhammad Kazim Marvi, served Nadir as a financial officer, and appears to have witnessed many of the events that he depicts. Completed after Nadir's death in 1160/1747 but before the last Afsharid ruler fell in 1210/1796, the AAN offers one of the most detailed contemporary accounts of Nadir's career. Several scholars, including N. D. Miklukho-Maklai and Muhammad Amin Riyahi, have begun to investigate the historical context of the work, discussing such issues as the date of its composition and its relationship to other accounts of the period. This article will attempt to build upon their work by focusing on what Muhammad Kazim's account of Nadir's career may reveal about his views on kingship and legitimacy.</jats:p

    Portrait of Mughal Prince on Brown Horse, early 18th century, period of Muhammad Shah (Cambridge, Fogg Museum of Art)

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    Toward the end of the seventeenth century, the Mughal Empire began to decline, weakened by Aurangzeb's long and unsuccessful campaigns in the south. The twelve years after the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 saw a succession of nine emperors, the last of whom was the artistically gifted but politically inept Muhammad Shah (1719-1748), whose reign was distinguished chiefly by its weakness. In 1739, Nadir Shah, a Turkomenian Persian, attacked from the north, sacking Delhi and carrying off great quantities of loot to Persia, including the famous Peacock Throne. Muhammad Shah had alienated the powerful Muslim nobles who might have come to his aid: most of these moved from the capital to their viceroyalties in Oudh, the Deccan, and Bengal, and these provincial centres attracted many of the musicians, poets, and artists of Delhi

    L'empereur Muhammad Shah : Album "Dames et Seigneurs persans, Ministres, Généraux, Docteurs, et autres peintures parmi lesquelles il se trouvent des modèles d'écriture arabes"

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    École moghole, vers 1740L'empereur, auréolé, est assis sur un trône, vêtu d'un jama blanc à semis de fleurs, d'un patka doré brodé de fleurs et d'une autre ceinture de rubis ; il porte une bague d'archer sur le pouce droit ; debout derrière lui, un serviteur agite un morchhal . Abul-Muzaffar Nasir ud-Din Muhammad Shah (régnant 1719-1748) accéda au trône à l'âge de dix-neuf ans grâce aux « faiseurs de rois », les frères Barha Sayyid dont la chute survint peu après. Muhammed Shah était connu sous le nom de Rangila, « amoureux des plaisirs ». Il occupa le trône durant près de trente ans. Sous son règne, l'art de la miniature moghole connut son chant du cygne, mais c'est en son temps que s'accéléra le grand déclin de l'empire, notamment avec le sac de Delhi perpétré en 1739 par Nadir Shah.téléchargeabl

    The Compleat history of Thamas Kouli Kan : (afterwards Schah Nadir), late sovereign of Persia /

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    Signatures: A¹̲, chi¹, B-O⁶, P⁴, ²B-G¹², 2chi¹, 3chi², ²H⁶."A.A. Barbier, in his Dictionaire des ouvrages anonymes et pseudonymes ... Paris, 1806-9, vol. IV, page 133, wrongly attributes this work to ... J. A. du Cerceau. This attribution is clearly incorrect, because the book deals with events up to 1739, while du Cerceau died on the 4th of July, 1730."-- Lockhart, L. Nadir Shah, London, 1938, p. 315, foot-note 1.Mode of access: Internet

    بلوچستان میں اردو: ابتدائی نقوش و آثار

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    Iranian King and general Nadir Shah Afshar was able to get hold of Balochistan and Kandhar during 18th century. The invasion of Nadir Shah had multiple impacts on social and cultural life line of Balochistan and that includes lingual effect. How Urdu reaches to the areas of Balochistan and what were the contributing factors to flourish Urdu is the outcome of this article

    Palais de Nizam ul-Mulk à Delhi, vu de la rive de la Yamuna

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    Dessiné par un architecte de Shuja ud-Daula Company School , Delhi, 1774À l'origine, ce palais était la propriété du prince Dara Shikoh, fils aîné de l'empereur Shah Jahan (régnant 1628-1658). Il fut donné par l'empereur Bahadur Shah (régnant 1707-1712) à Dona Juliana, puis appartint à Mir Qamar ud-Din, Bahadur Fath Jang, Asf Jah, Nizam ul-Mulk (1671-1747), qui fut l'un des plus importants personnages de la cour durant les règnes de Farrukhsiyar (règnant 1713-1719), puis de Muhammad Shah (régnant 1719-1748), dont il devint le vazir . Il fut aussi le fondateur de la dynastie des nizam d'Hyderabad. Selon Gentil, il serait en grande partie responsable, par sa trahison, de la victoire de Nadir Shah, en 1739, qui donna lieu au sac de Delhi. Sous le règne d'Ahmad Shah (régnant 1748-1754), fils et successeur de Muhammad Shah, Safdar Jang obtint pour un prix très modique le palais de Dara Shikoh.téléchargeabl

    Notes on Timurid Legitimacy in Three Safavid Chronicles

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    In his Study on Afsharid Historiography, Ernest Tucker has Shown that Nadir Shah's chroniclers depicted him as the restorer of the Safavid dynasty, and appealed to notions of Safavid legitimacy in their histories. One chronicler, Muhammad Kazim Marvi, accomplished this partly by relating how Nadir Shah found a tablet (lawḥ) upon which Timur had inscribed instructions for Nadir Shah. Although Marvi was predominantly appealing to Safavid legitimacy, in the process he also linked Nadir's name with Timur. Laurence Lockhart notes a number of similarities between Nadir and Timur, indicating instances where Nadir seems to have modeled his reign on Timur's. These include (1) Nadir's naming his grandson Shahrukh, (2) Nadir's wife and Timur's daughter-in-law (wife of Shahrukh) both sharing the same name, Gawhar Shad, and (3) Nadir's use of certain Timurid military tactics.</jats:p

    Defending the “Satanic Verses” : constructive engagement: British-Iranian relations and the right to freedom of expression (1989-2004)

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    This thesis aims to conceptualize what is often referred to in diplomacy, as a policy of “constructive engagement”, by employing neoliberal-institutionalist theories and conflict resolution approaches. The adopted “model for constructive engagement” serves as the theoretical framework and centres on the basic assumption that non-coercive diplomacy coupled with the offer of incentives is best suited at resolving conflict as well as promoting human rights in international relations. Rather than looking at determinants of foreign policy making, the thesis focuses, therefore, on the actual exercise of power and influence in international relations. As such, power, both in terms of a state’s available assets as well as seen as a form causation, is considered the crucial variable in determining diplomatic manoeuvring and negotiation behaviour. The empirical context for the research project is provided by the case of British-Iranian relations during the period from 1989 to 2004. The narrative is divided into two parts: the first one deals with the impact of the fatwa against Salman Rushdie by Ayatollah Khomeini on bilateral relations and investigates British diplomacy towards Tehran, which followed the European Union’s policy of “Critical Dialogue” with Iran. Whilst the promotion of human rights was on the agenda of the “Critical Dialogue”, findings indicate that contrary to other EU member states, most notably Germany, Whitehall was able to genuinely pursuing a policy of “constructive engagement”, demanding meaningful changes in Iranian behaviour. However, findings also show that Britain’s priority was at resolving the “Rushdie affair” and not necessarily at promoting and protecting human rights in Iran. The second part of the narrative looks at the “Comprehensive Dialogue” which was implemented by the European Union in 2000 and established a direct linkage between economic rewards and the improvements of human rights in Iran. Whilst the Iranian government and parliament met EU demands, the country’s maze of power centres, most notably those dominated by hardliners and conservatives, worked against any meaningful improvements in the protection and respect of human rights. Both narratives indicate to what extent diplomacy and negotiations were influenced by domestic constituents, referred to as the Two-Level Game, as well as by asymmetries of interdependence between the EU and Iran. Overall, the data implies that constructive engagement, whilst subject to political and economic interdependence, constitutes an effective form of human rights diplomacy
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