27 research outputs found
The Army Officers\u27 Professional Ethic--Past, Present, and Future
No full textColonel Matthew Moten of the West Point History Department has asked why so many other professions have clear statements of professional responsibility, but the Army officer corps does not. This essay briefly surveys the history of the Army’s professional ethic, focusing primarily on the officer corps. It assesses today’s strategic, professional, and ethical environment. Then it argues that a clear statement of the Army officers’ professional ethic is especially necessary in a time when the Army is stretched and stressed as an institution. The Army officer corps has both a need and an opportunity to better define itself as a profession, forthrightly to articulate its professional ethic, and clearly to codify what it means to be a military professional. Finally, the monograph articulates such an ethic focusing on the four roles of commissioned officers—Soldier, servant of the nation, leader of character, and member of a time-honored profession.
NB: In the Fall of 2013, the author of this monograph, Army Colonel Matthew Moten, chose to retire amid reports of his reprimand for misconduct and removal as head of the U.S. Military Academy\u27s History Department, following an investigation of allegations made against him. Published in 2010, this monograph presents the results of Colonel Moten\u27s critical analysis of an issue important to the Army: deepening our understanding of what the Professional Military Ethic means to the profession today. The monograph remains a solid contribution to the dialogue among professionals the Army leadership sought to ignite. In particular, readers should note well Moten\u27s closing paragraphs:
Before the Army accepts such a statement of its professional ethic, much debate is in order. Should we use hard phrases such as total accountability and unlimited liability? What are officers\u27 core responsibilities as leaders and how far do they extend?
How concisely should we explicate our adherence to the principle of civilian control? Should we espouse nonpartisanship as part of our ethic? The debate required to answer such questions will provide impetus for an Army-wide discussion about the profession, its ethical values, and the role that it should play as a servant of American society in the future. Let it begin.
We, at the U.S. Army War College believe the conversation on the Army\u27s professional ethic must continue, and still find value in Moten\u27s 2010 work, notwithstanding the situation that led to his relief.https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1611/thumbnail.jp
Panel VI: Civil-Military Relations
No full textPanel presentations and discussion on civil-military relations. A question and answer period followed the presentations.
Appearing: Richard H. Kohn (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill), chair ; Diane H. Mazur (University of Florida Levin College of Law), Colonel Matthew Moten, USA (United States Military Academy), and Peter D. Feaver (Duke University), panelists
[U.S. Military Commission to Crimea]
No full textFour military officers, left to right: Alfred Mordecai; Lt. Colonel Obrescoff, their Russian escort; Richard Delafield; and George B. McClellan. (Source for Russian officer's identity: The Delafield Commission and the American Military Profession, by Matthew Moten, College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 2000, p. 4 and 128.)Was part of LOT 4496.Photographer unidentified.Hallmark: Rinhart 9.In passe partout mat.Original served by appointment only.Transfer; Manuscript Division; 1950.Forms part of: Alfred Mordecai Papers, 1790-1946 (Library of Congress).Forms part of: Daguerreotype collection (Library of Congress)
Marches of the dragoons in the Mississippi Valley : an account of marches and activities of the First Regiment United States Dragoons in the Mississippi Valley between the years 1833 and 1850,1917.
No full textContains information of the marches and other activities of the First Regiment of the United States Dragoons between the years 1833 and 1850 with in the boundaries of the Iowa country. Written by Louis Pelzer
The development of the British army during the wars with France, 1793-1815
No full textThe British Army that fought the engagement at Waterloo in 1815, was outwardly little changed from that which was engaged in the initial campaigns of the Wars, twenty-two years previously. Line upon line of red-coated, musket-armed infantry, manoeuvred as chess pieces across open fields, deciding the issue by volley and bayonet, having spent a hungry night exposed to rain and cold. The cavalry were still beautifully and often impractically clad, and were always seeking the decisive charge, on their unfed and often sickly mounts. The Army's commander still viewed his troops as 'the scum of the earth', who were rarely paid, and predominantly enlisted for life. It would therefore appear that little had altered from 1793 to 1815, and that this will be a study of continuity rather than change. However, this thesis will show that despite outward appearances, the Army that took the field at Waterloo was intrinsically different from the one that entered the conflict in 1793, being modernised in line with other institutions of state, and other European armies. This thesis is first and foremost intended to be a contribution to the history of the British Army from the outbreak of war with Revolutionary France in 1793, to the reduction of the forces after the battle of Waterloo in 1815. It proceeds from an assumption that the understanding of not only that history, but the history of the developing British state, will be significantly advanced through a study of the operation of, and the changes which took place within, the Army during the Wars with France
The general as statesman : exploring the professional need for commanders to support viable political outcomes in peace and stability operations as typified by the UK military approach
No full textThe problem of theatre level politico-military arrangements during peace and stability operations is important because the intervening actors, working in complex and often ambiguous circumstances, need to calibrate the application of military and political means as a coherent interdependent whole. This is necessary in order to build peace, secure viable political outcomes and hence strategic successes; however it is not easy in practice. This thesis examines the hypothesis that, beyond their security-related tasks, military commanders should provide direct support to civilian interlocutors in order to facilitate and sustain the local political process. This requires military co-operation with other relevant actors, responsiveness to political direction and the specific shaping of military operations to impact decisively on political outcomes.
This work establishes that Western and United Nations doctrinal guidance extols political primacy and civil-military cooperation but does not fully explain the central importance of the political process, nor does it capture the potential peace building role of the military component. Analysis of practice in Kosovo, Iraq and Afghanistan, suggests that military commanders retain a uniquely influential position and have generally used their military means to positively influence political progress and help coordinate multi-dimensional plans. On occasion, to secure momentum and fill a void, commanders have quietly assumed a political function. Doctrine now needs to be refreshed to reflect practice. It should explain the military role in supporting the political process, elaborate the politico-military relationship as the inner core of a comprehensive approach to peace building and provide candid guidance on the difficulties to be expected where politico-military and coordination arrangements are incoherent. Moreover further work is needed on the wider application of this doctrine by the United Nations and the preparation of civilian leaders for politico-military relationships
Canon Barnett and the first thirty years of Toynbee Hall
No full textPhDThis thesis is a study of the changing role which Toynbee
Hall, the first university settlement, played in East London between
1884 and 1914. The first chapter presents a brief biography of
Sainiel Augustus Barnett, the founder and first warden of the
settlement, and analyzes his social thought in relation to the
beliefs which were current in Britain during the period. The
second chapter discusses the founding of the settlement, its organization, structure and the aims which underlay its early work. The
third chapter, concentrating on three residents, C.R. Ashbee, .H.
Beveridge and T. Edmund Harvey, shows the way in which subsequent
settlement workers reformulated these aims In accordance with their
own social and economic views. The subsequent chapters discuss the
accomplishments of the settlement in various fields. The fourth
shows that Toynbee Hall's educational program, which was largely an
attempt to work out Matthew Arnold's theory of culture, left little
impact on the life of East London. The fifth chapter discusses the
settlement residents' ineffectual attempts to establish contact with
working men's organizations. The final chapter seeks to demonstrate
that In the field of philanthropy the residents were far more successful than in any other sphere in adapting the settlement to changing
social thought
Ni blancos ni negros: mexicanos. El papel de la Patrulla Fronteriza estadounidense en la definición de una nueva categoría racial. 1924-1940. Cuicuilco Revista de la Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia: Raza, fobias e intolerancias. Num. 31 (2004) Vol. 11 mayo-agosto
No full textA fin de restringir la migración a los Estados Unidos, el Congreso estableció la Patrulla Fronteriza el 28 de mayo de 1924. Su mandato era patrullar la frontera para prevenir cruces fronterizes no autorizados. Sin embargo, estos cuerpos policiales se dedicaron a perseguir mexicanos, desplegando una violencia brutal en la aplicación de la ley. A través de estas acciones contra los mexicanos, los oficiales de la Patrulla Fronteriza definieron un eje racial único dentro de la división clásica blanco/negro del orden social de los Estados Unidos.The United States Congress established the U.S. Border Patrol on May 28, 1924 and mandated the new police force to enforce the nation's immigration restrictions by preventing unsanctioned border crossings. By dedicating the violence of immigration law enforcement to the policing of Mexicanos instead of to the patrolling of the borderline, Border Patrol officers defined a uniquely Mexicano axis of racial marginalization within the black/white divides of social order in the United States.Askins, Charles. 1991. Unrepentant Sinner: the Autobiography of Colonel Charles Askins, Tejano
Publications.Baldwin, James. 1962. Nobody Knows My Name, Nueva York, Dell.Cardoso, Lawrence. 1980. Mexican Emigration to the United States: 1897Ð1931, Tucson, University of
Arizona Press.Daniel, Cletus E. 1981. Bitter Harvest: A History of California Farm Workers, 1870Ð1941, Ithaca, Cornell University Press.Edward Moore, Alvin. 1988. The Border Patrol, Santa Fe, Sunstone Press.Escobar, Edward J. 1999. Race, Police, and the Making of a Political Identity: Mexican Americans and the Los Angeles Police Department, 1900-1945, Berkeley, University of California Press.Foley, Neil. 1998. “Becoming Hispanic: Mexican Americans and the Faustian Pact with Whiteness”, en Neil Foley (ed.), Reflexiones 1997, Austin, University of Texas Press.Frye Jacobson, Matthew. 1971. The Life Story of the Mexican Immigrant: Autobiographical Documents, New York, Dover Publications.Frye Jacobson, Matthew. 1998. Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race, Cambridge, Harvard University Press.Gilroy, Paul. 1991. There Ain´ t No Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation,
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Gutiérrez, David. 1995. Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity, Berkeley, University of California Press.Hall, Stuart et al. 1978. Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State, and Law and Order, Londres, Macmillan.Harring, Sidney L. 1983. Policing a Class Society: The Experience of American Cities, 1865-1915, New
Brunswick, Rutgers University Press.Jordan, Bill. 1995. Tales of the Rio Grande, Texas, Museo Nacional de la Patrulla Fronteriza.Marquez, Benjamin. 1993. LULAC: The Evolution of a Mexican American Political Organization, Austin, University of Texas Press.McWilliams, Carey. 1971. Factories in the Field: The Story of Migratory Farm Labor in California, Santa Barbara, Peregrine Publishers, Inc.Moore, Alvin E. 1988. The Border Patrol, Santa Fe, Sunstone.Ngai, Mae. 2004. Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America, Princeton, Princeton University Press.Odens, Peter. 1975. The Desert Trackers: Men of the Border Patrol, Arizona, 1975.Perkins, Clifford Alan. 1978. Border Patrol: With the U.S. Immigration Service on the Mexican Boundary, 1910- 54, El Paso, Texas Western Press.Rak Kidder, Mary. 1938. The Border Patrol, Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company.Reisler, Mark. 1976. By the Sweat of their Brow: Mexican Immigrant Labor in the United States, 1900- 1940, Westport, Greenwood, Press.Roediger, David R. 1991. The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class, New York, Verso.Schuster Taylor, Paul. 1934. An American-Mexican Frontier: Nueces County, Texas, Nueva York, Russell and Russell.Weber, Devra. 1994. Dark Sweat, White Gold: California Farm Workers, Cotton and the New Deal,
Berkeley, University of California Press
A New Form of Authoritarianism? Rethinking Military Politics in Post-1999 Nigeria
No full textDespite the vast research that has been done on the Nigerian military, virtually all of these studies have failed to critically examine the accepted role of the military in the democratising phase. This is important because the relationship between the political elite and the military in post-military authoritarian states guarantees either democratic consolidation, or its reversal. In Nigeria, despite an appearance of significant progress in subordinating the military institution to democratic civilian authority, the military remains a crucial political actor in the polity. It appears that the military has yet to accept the core democratic principles of civilian oversight of the institution. This thesis, therefore, explores whether a new form of military authoritarianism is emerging in Nigeria, with the aim of understanding Nigeria’s military behaviour in a transitional phase, from prolonged military authoritarianism to democratisation. To examine this military behaviour, Alfred Stepan’s concept of military prerogatives that was used to understand the military’s behaviour in a transitional phase in Latin America is applied to Nigeria.
A crucial understanding of authoritarianism in Nigeria is initially discussed in this study using mainly document analysis strategy to examine whether multi-ethnic states, such as Nigeria, tend to have authoritarian systems. Six hypotheses form the core analysis of this thesis: first, that the military has retained significant military prerogatives; second, that retired military officers are gaining influential political and economic positions; third, autonomous military involvement in human rights abuses since 1999; and fourth, that civilian government oversight remains weak, and facilitates military authoritarianism. These hypotheses are primarily analysed using the elite interview technique. During the first half of 2011, the author conducted field research where serving and retired military officers were interviewed. The fifth hypothesis is that the military has intervened in politics post-1999. The examination of this hypothesis relies primarily on key security-related media reports (mostly newspaper editorials) on the military after 1999. The examination of the final hypothesis, that increases in military expenditures might facilitate a new form of military authoritarianism, relies primarily on descriptive statistical analysis. In addition, this study collated relevant historical materials that relate to the military, utilising national archival collections.
The empirical findings of this research did not identify a new form of military authoritarianism in Nigeria. The study, however, argues that the unrestricted institutional framework accorded the military has contributed significantly to authoritarian practices in the post-military era in Nigeria. This study discovered that there were similarities between the Brazilian and Nigerian militaries in regard to their military spending during their period in power. Both countries had lower defence budgets. Just as in Brazil, it appears that part of the reason the Nigerian military decided to relinquish power in 1999 had to do with its desire to gain a higher budget, something that was precluded in a military government struggling to retain a sense of legitimacy. The military needed a higher budget to modernise and re-professionalise its institution after more than a decade in power. This feature, which the Nigerian military shares with the Brazilian military, appears to justify the application to Nigeria of Alfred Stepan’s concept of military prerogatives.
The role of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) in the national liberation struggle in South Africa with reference to the rural far northern Transvaal, 1976-1990
No full textIncludes bibliographical references (leaves 250-275)
