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<Articles>The Evolution of Roof-tile Production in the Northern Dynasties of China
中国北朝の瓦は五世紀末頃に瓦当文様や製作技法が大きく変化し、それは隋唐期以降の瓦に多大な影響を与えている。本稿は、瓦当文様や製作技法の検討から当該期の変化を年代的に整理するとともに、刻印や箆書きの文字瓦の分析により瓦生産の特質を明らかにすることを目的としたものである。従来、文字瓦に対する研究は記載された文字の意味を探ることに終始してきたが、筆者は文字の記載位置や製作技法の分析を文字内容の検討とあわせておこなうことにより、北朝から隋唐期の文字瓦が一連の系譜として理解しうることを指摘した。品質管理と労働管理の必要性から出現した北朝の文字瓦は、隋唐期になると変質していくが、その出現と展開は瓦当文様や製作技法の変遷と対応するだけでなく、当時の政治的・社会的背景をも反映していることを明らかにした。In this paper, roof-tiles from the Northern Dynasties are examined to clarify the roof-tile production system through analysis of not only tile design and production technique but also of tiles with incised or impressed characters. First, I have indicated the chronological framework of eaves tiles from the 5th to the 6th century by analyzing the designs of the antefixes and their production technique. Second, tiles with incised or impressed characters have been analyzed in order to consider the system of their production and its management. Although such tiles have previously been studied in terms of the meaning of the characters on them, the author considered it necessary to analyze the position of the characters on the tiles and the production technique as well as the characters themselves. As a result of these analyses, the following has become clear. The design of eaves tiles and their production technique changed greatly at the end of the 5th century. Tiles with incised or impressed characters appeared almost simultaneously with this change. This suggests that a change in the system of production and its management occurred. Furthermore, these changes had a great influence on the roof-tiles later in the Sui and Tang dynasties. It is highly likely the tiles with characters produced from the Northern Wei dynasty to the Sui and Tang dynasties belong to the same lineage in terms of production technique, although the characters themselves changed over the same period. The author argues that the need for quality control to the products that required more elaborate adjustment than earlier types and the need to manage the labor that accompanied the mobilization of greater manpower brought about the appearance of this type of tiles with characters
<Articles>Ancient Chinese Tombs and Rituals for the Souls of the Dead: The Changes in Tombs and Ancestral Shrines during the Western Han Dynasty (Special Issue : Festival)
中国では戦国後期から漢代にかけて、陵墓制度に大きな変化が生じ、陵園内外に寝や廟などの建築が造営されるようになった。秦始皇帝陵では墳丘の北西に陵寝建築を置き、前漢皇帝陵ではそれを踏襲しながら墳丘の東南に陵廟を設置した。その陵廟の構造は、長安南郊の明堂や王莽九廟の構造と近似し、明堂と宗廟の構造を同じものとする漢代の学者たちの解釈をもとに設計されたと推定される。漢代における陵廟の出現は、墓に死者の霊魂がとどまるという観念にもとづくもので、それにともなって墓の内部にも霊魂の居処となる神坐が設置された。その初期の事例が前二世紀の馬王堆漢墓と満城漢墓である。それらの神坐は、宗廟での祖先祭祀にならい、西側に帷帳・席・几などを東面して設置し、その前に食膳具などをならべたものであった。そして、本来は目に見えることのない死者自身があたかもそこにいるかのようにして、霊魂のまつりがおこなわれたのである。According to the traditional Chinese view of the soul (霊魂), a living person is composed of two elements, the spirit (魂) and the body (魄), and it was believed that a person died when the two were separated. Custom deemed it proper to bury the body after death in a tomb (墓) and to worship the separated soul in a mausoleum shrine (廟). According to the Confucian view, a funeral ceremony in which the body is buried was an inauspicious rite, while a ritual worshiping the soul was an auspicious one, and a clear distinction should be made between the two. However, this was only the Confucians ideal of correct ritual protocol, and since ancient times, rituals for the souls of the dead were often performed in front of tombs and inside tomb chambers. I wish to note in particular that the ceremonies performed inside the tombs, which have been reconstructed from archaeological studies, are very similar to descriptions in classical texts of how rites for ancestral spirits were worshipped in ancestral shrines (宗廟). Based on this understanding, this paper aims to elucidate the relationship between ancient Chinese tombs and rituals in ancestral shrines by comparing the results of archaeological excavations with descriptions in classical texts. First, I organized the contents of the rituals described in the Yili (Book of Rites) and examined the relationship between mourning and funeral ceremonies (喪葬儀礼) and ancestral shrine rituals (宗廟祭祀) in ancient China, as well as the space in which they were performed. The Yili summarizes the procedures for ceremonies such as weddings and funerals performed by the ancient aristocracy, and describes in detail the behavior, clothing, and arrangement of offerings of the people participating in the ceremonies. According to these accounts, in the last stage of the mourning and funeral rites, the body of the deceased was buried in the grave and then the soul that had been brought back from the grave was comforted in a ritual known as the yu 虞 through which mourning gradually becomes lighter, and the inauspicious ritual was transformed into an auspicious one. In addition, by focusing on the ceremonial place, I confirmed that the seating for both the yu ritual and the ancestral spirit rites were placed in the southwest corner of the room facing eastward, and that this was the place where the spirits of the dead or of persons dressed as the dead were worshipped. Next, I examined the structural characteristics of the archaeologically excavated ancestral shrines and revealed that their structure and layout changed greatly during the Western Han Dynasty. I then concluded that these changes in ancestral shrines reflected changes in mourning and funeral rites and views of the soul in the same era. From the late Warring States period to the Han Dynasty, there was a major change in the tomb (陵墓) system, and ritual structures began to be built inside and outside the mausoleum's precincts (陵園). In the Mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang, a ritual building was placed near a mound in the northwest to serve as a living space for his soul, and the mausolea of the emperors of the Western Han dynasty followed this pattern, but the shrines for rites for their souls were set up in the southeast of the mound. The structure of the mausolea are similar to those of the Mingtang and Wang Mang Nine Temples 王莽 九廟 in the southern suburbs of Chang'an. They are similar in that they were decorated with tiles with the four directional gods. This structure is very different from the temples of the pre-Qin period, and it is presumed that that design was based on the views of Han Dynasty scholars who interpreted the Mingtang as the temple of the Son of Heaven. The reason that a mausoleum was set up next to the tomb during the Western Han Dynasty was because it was thought that the soul of the deceased would continue to live in the tomb, and in addition, a spirit seat (神坐) was set up inside the tomb to serve as a place for the soul. The earliest examples are found in the Mawangdui tombs 馬王堆漢墓 and the Mancheng tombs 満城漢墓 from the 2nd century BC. The spirit seats installed inside these tombs were set up on the west side facing eastward, and the food utensils were placed in front of it, following the ancestral rituals at ancestral shrine. Then, as if the dead themselves who would have been invisible, were there in attendance, rituals were performed for the souls of the dead
<Book reviews>HUANG Xiaofen, The Archaeological Site of Luy Lâu II, Jiaozhi Province: An Analysis of the Ancient City of the Red River Delta from the Excavations between 2014 and 2015
<Academic trends>Recent Controversy over the Palace Cities of Luoyang in the Wei Dynasty (Special Issue : CITY)
<Trend of Oriental Researches> Archaeological Evidence from the Northern Wei and the Sinification of the Xianbei
中国初期仏塔の研究
京都大学新制・論文博士博士(文学)乙第13390号論文博第652号新制||文||706(附属図書館)京都大学大学院文学研究科歴史文化学専攻(主査)教授 吉井 秀夫, 准教授 下垣 仁志, 教授 岡村 秀典学位規則第4条第2項該当Doctor of LettersKyoto UniversityDGA
The Sinification of the Buddhist Stupa
This paper will consider the Sinification of the Buddhist stupa, which originated in India, through an examination of archaeological findings, iconographic materials and written documents from early Chinese Buddhism. First, I examine how early Chinese Buddhist temples were planned, and how religious activities were practiced in there. The pagodas at that time were placed in the center of temples and played important role in religious activity. Recent excavation at the northern Wei temple on the western hill of the Yungang 雲岡 caves clarifies that the buildings of this temple consisted of a pagoda placed in a courtyard and a square-shaped monastery surrounding it. This finding indicates that this style of temple, which originated in the Gandharan vihara, was introduced into Chinese Buddhist temples by the late 5th century. In addition, investigation of the Siyuan-fosi 思遠佛寺 temple at Fangshan 方山and the Siyan-fotu 思燕佛圖 temple at Chaoyang 朝陽 proves that the inside of these pagodas were decorated with clay statuary and wall paintings. The inside of these decorated pagodas was a space for not only worship by believers but also meditation by monks, and through these religious practices they prayed for ascending to Tusita 兜率 heaven where Maitreya Bodhisattva 彌勒菩薩 was believed to live. Second, I discuss how people understood the cosmology of Chinese pagodas by fusing the Buddhist perspectives of the universe with traditional Chinese ideas about immortality and ascension. In China, Buddhist stupas were changed into many-storied tall buildings, on the top of which small stupas were placed. This change occurred because the Buddha was thought to be similar to Chinese immortals, and pagodas were built on the model of the tall buildings on which immortals were deified. The objects called Lupan 露盤 on the top of pagodas symbolize the Chinese traditional idea of immortals, as the origin of this term lies not in Buddhist literatures but derives from the word Chenglupan 承露盤, dew basins on the top of the tall buildings for immortals. On the other hand, pagodas, at that time, were sometimes united with Mt. Sumeru 須彌山, and people desired to ascend to Tushita heaven of Maitreya Bodhisattva through this mythic mountain. Connecting heaven and earth, pagodas embodied ideas about immortality and ascension, and increased peoples' belief in them
Transformation of burial system in the early Northern Wei period China
In the last few decades, a considerable number of tombs were discovered and our knowledge about the mortuary system in the Northern Wei 北魏 Period has rapidly deepened. The transformation of mortuary system in the 5th century reflects not only the Sinification process of the Tuoba Xianbei 拓跋鮮卑 but also intercultural conflict between agricultural and nomadic traditions. The purpose of this paper is to reveal the Sinification process of nomads analyzing the transformation of burial structure and customs in the 5th century. First, I re-examined chronological framework of potteries unearthed from the tombs in the southern suburbs of Datong 大同 and concluded it to be right for the most part. According to the Sinification process of the Tuoba Xianbei, crafting technique of potteries was improved in stages, especially in the late 5th century. Secondly, the burial structure must have been variable according to the status or wealth of its owners. Since early part of the Northern Wei period, a small group of the aristocracy had already been buried in the brick-chambered tombs, such as the tombs at Meidai Village 美岱村 and the mural tomb at Shaling Village 沙嶺村. The brick chamber tombs with curvy-side square plan and pyramidal ceiling were rapidly diffused as the upper-class burials in the late 5th century, while the pit-style or underground cave style burials with wooden coffins held the majority in the lower and middle class cemetery. The square-shaped chambers with terracotta figurines and funerary couches were prepared for its owners' next life. These things indicate that the new type of burial structure which had been diffused in the late 5 th century was attended by ideological changes on burials
The Seat of the Spirit in Tombs : Rituals in Burial Chambers from the Han to the Northern and the Southern Dynasties
In this paper, I consider the seat of the spirit (神坐) in tombs and the idea reflected in them through an examination of archaeological findings and written materials from the Han to the Tang period in China. The seat of the spirit found in tombs first emerged during the Western Han period with the change in tomb structure from tombs with wooden caskets to brick or stone-chamber tombs. The new burial style that emerged at that time was based on the conception that the spirit of the dead would either continue to live in the tomb or that the spirit would travel to the nether world and return to this world through the tomb. The seat of the spirit in tombs was the place where the spirit of the dead resided, and it was the site where participants in the funeral performed rituals for the tomb's occupant. In the Wei and the Jin period, the lavish burials of the Han period fell out of favor, and with the spread of plain burials, construction of a shrine beside the tomb was prohibited and tomb structure and mortuary goods were simplified. In plain burials, the seat of spirit, thought to be a prerequisite for tombs, and the custom of performing a ritual for the tomb occupant were continued. At that time, there were opposing ideas about the seat of the spirit in tombs; the interpretation in the Confucian classics was alienated from the sensibilities of the general public. According to the Confucian classical rules, the spirit of the dead should be worshiped at a mausoleum, so the seat of spirit in a tomb was considered a provisional feature. On the other hand, many people at that time thought that the seat of the spirit was the place where the tomb occupant would reside, so they practiced rituals for dead ancestors at tombs. In Northern China after the latter half of the fifth century, most of the populace in the Northern Wei came to think that the spirit of the dead resided in the burial chamber and practiced rituals at the front of the coffin (corpse) in the burial chamber because the spirit and body were inseparably linked to one another. This was probably because the people of the Northern Tribes could not grasp how the seat of the spirit could be separated from the coffin (corpse) in tomb. According to the distinction of traditional Chinese ritual, however, the burial rituals for the body of the dead as an inauspicious ritual should not be mixed with the auspicious ritual for the spirit. In the latter half of the Northern Dynasties, this problem was resolved, and the seat of the spirit was made independent of the location of the coffin (corpse) that was set on funerary furnishings, and this new burial custom was carried on to tombs of the Sui and the Tang dynasties
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