738 research outputs found
The Current Italian Regulation on Party Funding, Transparency and Democracy and its Influence on Party Statutes
No full textThis book, published with research funds from the University of Rome La Sapienza, aims at disseminating knowledge about the Italian system of political parties and political foundations among non-Italian scholars, in the light of the recent legislative reforms in this field. Due to their nature as free associations of citizens under art. 49 Cost., political parties are supposed to enjoy a full autonomy in determining their own purposes, internal organisation and financial management. However, the recent regulation on the funding of political parties contains provisions aimed at influencing the contents of party statutes, imposing upon them several organisational obligations. Moreover, some draft laws concerning the internal regulation of parties have been proposed, with the idea of making intra-party democracy not only a pre-requisite for obtaining funds, but also for competing in elections. However, many argue that a law should be the least invasive possible, and parties should instead proceed to self-reformation. The stronger the erosion process of party organisations and of political cultures is, the more strongly affirmed will be the personalised models of political organisation, in which even the funding of the organisation’s own public viability is managed autonomously. This is why ever more frequently some political leaders make use of think tanks for fund-raising, by virtue of the broad degree of autonomy that they enjoy.This book, published with research funds from the University of Rome La Sapienza, aims at disseminating knowledge about the Italian system of political parties and political foundations among non-Italian scholars, in the light of the recent legislative reforms in this field. Due to their nature as free associations of citizens under art. 49 Cost., political parties are supposed to enjoy a full autonomy in determining their own purposes, internal organisation and financial management. However, the recent regulation on the funding of political parties contains provisions aimed at influencing the contents of party statutes, imposing upon them several organisational obligations. Moreover, some draft laws concerning the internal regulation of parties have been proposed, with the idea of making intra-party democracy not only a pre-requisite for obtaining funds, but also for competing in elections. However, many argue that a law should be the least invasive possible, and parties should instead proceed to self-reformation. The stronger the erosion process of party organisations and of political cultures is, the more strongly affirmed will be the personalised models of political organisation, in which even the funding of the organisation’s own public viability is managed autonomously. This is why ever more frequently some political leaders make use of think tanks for fund-raising, by virtue of the broad degree of autonomy that they enjoy
Alcune considerazioni sulla responsabilità degli intermediari digitali, e particolarmente dei social network provider, per i contenuti prodotti dagli utenti
No full textIl saggio, prendendo spunto da alcuni casi giudiziari americani riguardanti le eventuali responsabilità civili dei social media – soprattutto Twitter – per aver favorito la diffusione del terrorismo internazionale di matrice islamica, mette in luce le differenze fra la disciplina americana relativa all’irresponsabilità dei publisher per i contenuti prodotti da terzi e quella europea, che invece considera l’editore responsabile di quanto pubblicato proprio in virtù della sua posizione, soprattutto se i contenuti pubblicati sono tali da incitare all’odio e alla violenza. Alla luce della progressiva trasformazione del ruolo dei social network e delle sinergie fra i social network e l’editoria tradizionale, si considera la possibilità che agli intermediari digitali possa essere applicata la disciplina prevista per l’editoria, anche da punto di vista dell’attribuzione di responsabilità. Infine, si esaminano i suggerimenti della Commissione europea per coinvolgere i provider nella lotta alla diffusione dei contenuti illeciti attraverso Internet, senza però dare luogo a forme di censura preventiva, che limiterebbe la libertà di espressione individuale.This paper, inspirated by some American court cases concerning the civil liability of social media – especially Twitter – for promoting the spread of Islamic international terrorism, highlights the differences between the American law, by which publishers cannot be held liable for contents produced by third parties, and the European one, which instead considers publishers liable for what is published precisely because of their position, especially when the published contents are such as to incite hatred and violence. In light of the progressive transformation of the role of social networks and synergies between them and traditional publishing, this paper considers the possibility that rules applicable to traditional publishers, also from the point of view of the attribution of responsibility, can be extended to social network providers. Finally, this paper examines the European Commission’s suggestions to involve providers in the fight against the dissemination of illicit content via the Internet, without however giving rise to forms of preventive censorship, which would limit the individual freedom of expression
Dimenticare, rievocare, rappresentare: dove conduce la via dell’oblio
No full textIl diritto all’oblio va oggi inteso come diritto di ottenere la rettifica, la contestualizzazione, l’aggiornamento e addirittura la deindicizzazione o la cancellazione dei propri dati personali presenti online, al fine di assicurare una rappresentazione corretta e attuale della propria identità personale. Questo scritto esamina il percorso argomentativo seguito dalla Corte europea dei diritti dell’uomo, dalla Corte di giustizia dell’Unione europea e dalla Corte di Cassazione per definire, nel corso di circa un decennio, i contorni di un diritto (o di uno strumento?) dalle molteplici sfaccettature e per questo assai sfuggente, che si trova in costante rapporto dialettico con il diritto collettivo a ricercare e ricevere informazioni. Fra incongruenze, ripensamenti e contraddizioni, la giurisprudenza sembra ultimamente aver trovato almeno alcuni elementi di convergenza nel bilanciamento fra pretese di tutela dei diritti della personalità e libertà di stampa.The right to be forgotten is now conceived as the right to obtain the rectification, contextualization, updating and even de-indexing or deletion of personal data available online, in order to ensure a correct and current representation of one’s personal identity. This paper examines the argumentative path followed by the European Court of Human Rights, the Court of Justice of the European Union and the Court of Cassation to define, over the course of about a decade, the contours of a right (or an instrument?) with multiple facets and therefore very elusive, which is in constant dialectical relationship with the collective right to seek and receive information. Among inconsistencies, second thoughts and contradictions, the jurisprudence seems to have recently found at least some elements of convergence in the balance between claims for the protection of personal rights and freedom of the press
La propaganda elettorale online fra regole vecchie e nuove
No full text1. Introduzione. – 2. Il nuovo regolamento ue sulla trasparenza della pubblicità politica. – 3. La trasparenza della pubblicità (anche politica) nel regolamento europeo sui servizi digitali. – 4. Il soft law: linee guida e codici di condotta per gli intermediari digitali. – 5. Le lacune della normativa italiana. – 6. L’impulso di agcom. – 7. Conclusioni
Principi democratici negli statuti dei partiti politici. Trasparenza e controllo.
No full textA partire dalla legge 13/2014, che ha modificato il sistema di finanziamento dei partiti politici e imposto a questi ultimi i la registrazione e la trasparenza degli statuti e dei rendiconti, il saggio prende in esame il contenuto degli statuti dei maggiori partiti politici italiani, per verificare fino a che punto le regole statutarie possano essere considerate attuazione del "metodo democratico" di cui all'art. 49 Cost
Il diritto all’oblio del soggetto minore nel Regolamento europeo sulla protezione dei dati personali
No full textIl contributo tratta il tema del cosiddetto “diritto all’oblio” in riferimento ai soggetti minori, così come previsto dagli artt. 8(f) e 17 del regolamento UE n. 2016/679 e specificato dal "considerando" n. 65
Per un dialogo multidisciplinare sul tema del controllo nelle democrazie: un’introduzione
No full textSi tratta della introduzione dei curatori del volume che pubblica gli atti del convegno. Si mette in evidenza la interdisciplinarietà come metodo di ricerca e la partecipazione di generazioni diverse di studiosi
Political Parties and Political Foundations in Italy. Their Changing Landscape of Structure and Financing
No full textThis book, published with research funds from the University of Rome La Sapienza, aims at disseminating knowledge about the Italian system of political parties and political foundations among non-Italian scholars, in the light of the recent legislative reforms in this field. Due to their nature as free associations of citizens under art. 49 Cost., political parties are supposed to enjoy a full autonomy in determining their own purposes, internal organisation and financial management. However, the recent regulation on the funding of political parties contains provisions aimed at influencing the contents of party statutes, imposing upon them several organisational obligations. Moreover, some draft laws concerning the internalfunding have been proposed, with the idea of making intra-party democracy not only a prerequisite for obtaining funds, but also for competing in elections.
However, many argue that a law should be the least invasive possible, and parties should instead proceed to self-reformation. The stronger the erosion process of party organisations and of political cultures is, the more strongly affirmed will be the personalised models of political organisation, in which even the funding of the organisation’s own public viability is managed autonomously. This is why ever more frequently some political leaders make use of think tanks for fund-raising, by virtue of the broad degree of autonomy that they enjoy
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