1,721,128 research outputs found
Il corpo post-pandemico. Dal perturbante alla flessibilità
No full textL’evento pandemico, che ha universalmente attraversato società e continenti, costituisce una sorta di spartiacque non solo nelle discipline mediche, nelle modalità di salvaguardia della salute e nelle attività di prevenzione di altri futuri contagi, ma ha anche importanti risvolti sul progetto dell’abitazione. Il senso dell’abitare è stato quasi del tutto stravolto dalla drammaticità dell’emergenza sanitaria sin dal suo esordio: la casa si è trasformata in tempi rapidissimi in un luogo permanentemente attivo: di lavoro, educativo, performativo, di cura, oltre che in un coatto rifugio dal virus. D’altra parte, si è mostrata essa stessa quale un imprevisto ambiente di contagio fra coabitanti, posti in stretta relazione fisica gli uni con gli altri. Convivere con la pandemia ha fatto venire alla luce nuove esigenze abitative così come, al tempo stesso, si sono evidenziati tutti i limiti dell’edilizia residenziale italiana. I saggi qui presentati provano a rispondere a un duplice interrogativo, gli interventi sul patrimonio e i nuovi modelli e le nuove tipologie con cui affrontare il tema della casa post-pandemica
Il peso dei fattori ascrittivi ed acquisitivi nelle disuguaglianze di salute : un modello di 'Health Attainment'
No full text
Gli effetti del gradiente sociale sulle condizioni di salute e sull'attività fisica nell'anzianità
No full textTransitions to adulthood
No full textThe paper focuses on the variations over birth cohorts and across EU countries of patterns of taking on adult roles. First, it analyses, the ages at which individuals: i) complete full-time schooling; ii) find their first job; iii) form a stable cohabiting union; and iv) become parent. Second, it studies the whole sequences of these four steps towards adulthood.
The paper tries: a) to falsify the hypothesis that in contemporary EU countries – as well as in all the advanced societies – the pathways to adulthood are becoming increasingly individualised , and b) to confirm the alternative hypothesis that in these societies the sequence of steps towards adulthood still follows collectively structured patterns, even though the specific ages at which adult roles are taken on do vary over time and across countries according to both individuals’ social characteristics and cultural features, institutional arrangements and economic situation of the society they belong to.
To test the above hypotheses, data coming from waves 1994 to 1998 of ECHP and regarding people born between 1909 and 1983 in 14 EU countries are studied. Analyses are carried using three different statistical techniques. First, Kaplan-Mayer procedure to estimate the median age at which young people attained their highest educational qualification, entered their first job, entered their first marriage (or consensual union), had their first child. Second, discrete time multilevel hazard models with random baseline to account for the effects of time, country, and a set of individual characteristics on the probabilities of: a) entering the first job; b) forming the first marriage; and c) having the first child. Third, optimal matching procedure of sequence analysis to give an holistic account of both sequence and duration of events leading to adult condition.
The main results of analyses can be summarized as follows. Contrary to the prediction of the individualisation thesis, holistic analysis has not shown that the level of heterogeneity of both sequence and duration of events leading to adulthood increases moving from southern to northern EU countries. Event history analysis has shown that in these countries, social clocks and widely shared rules governing the chronological order of steps towards adulthood still exist. Moreover, there is no evidence of steady trends in ages of transition to adulthood throughout the XX century in the EU. Only ages on leaving school and first job entrance display a linear increase over time, while ages at first marriage and birth of the first child have changed following a U-shaped trend across cohorts in all EU countries. Despite these similarities, marked differences exist among EU countries. People from southern countries display the slowest and the most delayed transitions to adulthood, while those living in the Nordic countries and the UK exhibit the most rapid one. This regularity clearly represent the cumulative effect of the economic, institutional and cultural constraints and opportunities existing in the different EU societies
Unemployment risks in four EU countries: a validation study of the ESeC
No full textThe aim of the paper is three-fold. First, it tests the construct validity of ESeC, that is to say a nine-fold class scheme usable in every EU country and based on the classification of all the occupations listed in ISCO.08 according to the substantive criteria underlying the EGP class scheme. Second, it seeks to falsify the hypothesis that the globalization process, changes in the labour market regulations, and retrenchment of welfare state provisions have produced an individualisation of the risks of unemployment. Third, it is intended to corroborate the hypothesis that the likelihood of becoming unemployed is still structured on the basis of social classes.
To perform the above tasks, data coming from the Austrian, British, Danish and Italian sections of the eight (1994-2001) ECHP annual waves were used. The annual incidence rate of unemployment for all respondents living in the four countries was then computed. Obviously, the labour market statuses of each interviewee were observed for as many times as the duration of his/her presence in the ECHP sample. This means that the data set used in the analysis is a two-levelled one. The occasions of observation of individuals’ labour market position represent the unit of first level, while individuals represent those of second level.
A random intercept Poisson regression model for longitudinal data was specified for each individual country in order to measure the net effects – in that country – of ESeC class position on individuals’ annual unemployment incidence rate, controlling for year of observation, and a set of individuals’ time varying (age, level of schooling, civil status, and health conditions) and time constant (gender) characteristics. Obviously the model controls also for unobserved heterogeneity between individuals.
The parameters of the four national models expressing the net effects of ESeC classes on the annual unemployment incidence rates of interviewees support the construct validity of ESeC scheme. Actually, in Austria, Denmark, Italy and UK risks of experiencing unemployment are strongly influenced by the social class to which individuals belong. Moreover the effects of each individual social class on the unemployment incidence rates are reasonably similar in all the four countries studied.
These results can also be considered as a falsification of the individualisation thesis of unemployment risks. Even after controlling for several individual characteristics and individual unobserved heterogeneity, social class deeply affects the unemployment risks of the individual living in the four EU countries studied. As a consequence, it can be maintained that in these countries social classes continue to represent a crucial factor of structuring unemployment risks and related economic inequalities, whatever their respective welfare arrangements, their labour market regulations, their economic structure and conjuncture
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