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    T. Livius Narrator; selections from Livy,

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    "It is high time Livy had a cognomen: Narrator is suggested."--Pref.Mode of access: Internet

    Livy, book I.

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    Binder's title: Livy, books I., XXI., and XXII."Livy's authorities": p. xii-xiii.Mode of access: Internet

    Livy\u27s History of Rome: Number 39

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    Verso is in good condition, the ink on the recto has smudged, but is still easily legible.; Humanistic Script (Similar to some Carolingian Scripts); The vellum was prepared meticulously, it is incredibly smooth to the touch and looks almost as white as a sheet of paper. However, the lettering is very simple, with many corrections made. There are no images. It is likely that this book was made for academics, Italians were very interested in Ancient historians like Livy.; Brown inkhttps://digital.kenyon.edu/mdvlmanuscripts/1002/thumbnail.jp

    Livy, books XXI, XXII, and XXIII /

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    "The text ... is that of Madvig's edition of 1880"--Pref.Photocopy.Mode of access: Internet

    Machiavelli and Livy

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    After a brief examination of interest in Livy up to the Trecento, the first chapter considers the use of Livy in the Quattrocento and by contemporaries of Machiavelli: firstly, the attention probably given to the Decades in education, and then their use in works dealing wholly or partly with Roman institutions and in works of ethical, historiographical and political reference. The second chapter discusses the use of Livy in works written by Machiavelli before the Discorsi sulla prima deca di Tito Livio and then considers questions arising out of the Discorsi themselves: the extent of the importance of the meetings in the Orti Oricellari in the development of Machiavelli's use of Livy; the structure of the Discorsi; Machiavelli's choice of Livy; the use of Livy in various topics of the Discorsi and the development of Machiavelli's thought on the state; errors in his reading of Livy; the texts of the Decades probably used by him. The final chapter deals first of all with the position of Livy among the sources of the Arte della guerra, and after examining the attitude of Machiavelli towards antiquity in the Vita di Castruccio Castracani and other works of 1520 goes on to consider the extent of the influence of Livy on Machiavelli 's technique in the Istorie fiorentine and references to antiquity in the introductory chapters to each book. It is suggested in conclusion that Machiavelli's admiration for ancient Rome has now been put in perspective, but still leads to a feeling of strong contrast between the ancient and the contemporary world.<p

    Quintilian on Sallust and Livy

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    The argument of a famous passage of Quintilian (2.5.19) on Sallust and Livy has been misinterpreted and does not mean that Livy is an easier read than Sallust

    Moving Livy

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    In this paper it is argued that Velleius’ apparent back-dating of Livy is unlikely and results from textual error

    Verecundia in Livy and Valerius Maximus

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    This thesis considers the ways in which Livy and Valerius Maximus integrate the Roman emotion verecundia into their exemplary pasts. It asks what nuance verecundia adds to the moral and historical narratives in which it is embedded. By so doing, this thesis achieves three interwoven objectives. It deepens our understanding of how verecundia was conceptualised during the Principate; provides new interpretations of the ways in which literature explored and engaged the (exemplary) past to explore moral issues; and, consequently, reveals something of the concerns of each author within their socio-political milieu. Both Livy and Valerius Maximus extend and adapt Cicero's philosophical conceptualisation of verecundia as a moral quality that regulates appropriate behaviour. Livy's use of verecundia reflects an anxiety about ethical governance and its effect on Rome's imperial reputation, which challenges traditional understandings of Livy as a patriotic author whose history legitimises Roman hegemony. Complementary analysis of Valerius Maximus' collection of moral-didactic anecdotes (exempla) reveals the complex workings of verecundia as a social mechanism which produces 'correct' behaviour. Valerius' assertion that domestic officium et verecundia are the foundation of territorial acquisitions extends Livy's thinking as it recognises a symbiotic relationship between the behaviour of the Roman elite and their imperial endeavours. Comparison of Livy and Valerius' treatment of verecundia in episodes about women exposes how gendered assumptions about proper female conduct have distorted modern scholarship's translation and interpretation of the original Latin texts. This thesis demonstrates that verecundia was understood as a vital social, political, and cultural quality that was integral to recognisably honourable action in all spheres of life, both at home and abroad.</p

    Livy\u27s “Diktatorbild”: Structure, style and language

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    This dissertation focuses upon Livy\u27s narrative presentation of the individual holders of the constitutional dictatorship and seeks to identify the historiographical and rhetorical principles which guided his shaping of the material. The choice of subject is justified by the fact that dictators play central roles in a number of dramatic episodes throughout the early books. In these episodes, which embrace both the domestic and foreign spheres of Livy\u27s presentation, the dictators confront—in both word and deed—a variety of antagonists in the context of numerous constitutional, legal, religious and military crises. Thus dictators serve to articulate and advance the historian\u27s views on power, authority and conflict. As the title of the dissertation suggests, the study seeks to use the sum total of the individual analyses in order to present a comprehensive evaluation of the historian\u27s conception of this important office. In addition to an introduction and conclusion, the three principle chapters are devoted to a chronological investigation of Livy\u27s presentations of dictators in the first pentad, second pentad and second and third decades, respectively. The study treats questions of structure, focusing particularly upon Livy\u27s establishment of a preferred pattern of recurrent motifs and topoi in the individual dictator-episodes, as well as the historian\u27s scope and placement of these episodes within larger units, the book and pentad. Among a number of conclusions presented is that Livy consistently treated dictators in a largely favorable manner, and, when choosing between variant accounts, occasionally preferred those featuring dictators to those with consuls as the leading magistrate. It is also argued that Livy\u27s presentation reflects an appropriate historical awareness of the evolution which the office underwent from its initial primarily military function to its final use in the supervision of elections. Lastly, convinced that Livy\u27s artistry is particularly evident in his treatment of episodes which feature these special magistrates, the author applies the principles of prose ‘colometry’ as a means of exploring Livy\u27s prose style in a selection of these linguistically rich episodes. These are presented in ‘colometric’ format and discussed at length in an in depth ‘Appendix’ to the dissertation

    Livy and the Translation of Polybius

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    This thesis seeks to understand those moments of Livy‟s text where he undertakes a translation from Polybius. Rather than evaluating his translations according to their fidelity to the original text, cultural translation studies, the school of thought used in this thesis, understands translation as something which is theorised differently in each culture, and seeks to situate translations in their discourse. This thesis puts Livy in a Roman translational context where fidelity to an original text is relatively unimportant, and instead the translator had a great deal of freedom in expressing what they wanted from the original text. There was also great scope to use the original text for the improvement of the Roman world. Following this discussion of Roman translation, three case studies are undertaken to show that Livy makes Polybius‟ text more appropriate for his Augustan audience, reflecting their concerns throughout. The second chapter covers the translation of Polybius‟ tyche with the word fortuna, where it is seen that Livy includes an ethical layer to his text that is not in Polybius‟ work. The third chapter discusses the translation of battlefield topography. Here it is seen that Livy includes both an ethnographical and an ethical reading, while Polybius is more interested only in the presentation of terrain for a didactic purpose. Finally, the fourth chapter discusses Livy‟s translation of Polybius‟ logismos, with Livy translating in a way that removes the important meaning that this word has in Polybius, while not replacing it with anything specifically. This will show that part of Livy‟s translation involves removing things from Polybius which are not appropriate in his context. Ultimately it will be seen that Livy‟s relationship with Polybius can be understood in the context of Roman translation, where translators made Greek cultural output appropriate for a Roman audience
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