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Rencontres coloniales : le gandhisme au Việt Nam entre 1919 et 1948.
No full textNotre thèse a pour objectif de comprendre comment se sont effectuées l’appropriation et l’utilisation du gandhisme par des nationalistes modernistes dans le contexte colonial vietnamien entre 1919 et 1948. Plus précisément, cette étude examine quelles idées les nationalistes ont retenues du gandhisme et dans quels contextes elles furent discutées. Qu'elles furent les idées et les méthodes du gandhisme qu’ils ont privilégié. Comment ces idées et ces méthodes furent-elles appropriées? Comment les éléments retenus furent-ils ensuite diffusés et utilisés par ces nationalistes? Comment les enseignements du gandhisme inspirèrent-ils les solutions proposées par les modernistes? Nous arguons que, validés par la force et la puissance du mouvement nationaliste indien, les concepts et méthodes politiques proposées par le gandhisme devinrent, pour ces colonisés, des outils pouvant les aider à réformer leur propre société pour qu’elle retrouve son autonomie politique.
Notre travail est divisé en deux sections. La première section qui comporte le chapitre 1 est une présentation du contexte matériel et humain dans lequel les textes ont été écrits et lus. Le but est de nous aider à mieux comprendre les éléments qui influencèrent l'appropriation du gandhisme au Việt Nam. Le chapitre analyse le monde de l’imprimé au Việt Nam, ses aspects matériels (technologiques) et économiques de même que les aspects humains comme les producteurs et les consommateurs d’information. Le chapitre 1 discute également de l’environnement politique du monde de l’information; les conditions dans lesquelles les journalistes et les écrivains vietnamiens travaillèrent comme les différentes lois régissant la publication de livres, revues ou journaux et les différentes formes de censures étatiques. Pour finir, le chapitre décortique différentes réceptions du gandhisme à l'étranger et dans la diaspora indienne ayant influencé l'appropriation du gandhisme au Việt Nam.
La seconde section de notre travail porte sur les représentations du gandhisme par les Vietnamiens entre 1919 et 1948. Nous présentons dans quatre chapitres les différents thèmes abordés dans les textes portant sur le gandhisme. Ces quatre chapitres discutent de différentes formes de nationalismes inspirées par le gandhisme et proposées pour aider les Vietnamiens à retrouver leur autonomie politique. Le chapitre deux discute du nationalisme culturel pour lequel les réformes allaient régénérer la société vietnamienne par l’éducation et rendre la société vietnamienne apte à diriger sa destinée. Le chapitre trois continue la discussion sur le nationalisme culturel de ces modernistes en démontrant comment les débats entourant le pan-asianisme et l'universalisme humaniste défendu par Rabindranath Tagore purent leur représenter une affirmation identitaire et une légitimité morale. Le chapitre quatre se penche sur le nationalisme économique chez qui le gandhisme fut un exemple d’affirmation nationale basée sur le développement de leviers économiques et le contrôle sur les ressources. Le chapitre cinq discute de la représentation du gandhisme principalement sous un angle politique en présentant les débats sur la violence entourant les satyagrahas gandhiens comme un miroir tendu au Français et proposer des solutions pour éviter les mêmes problèmes au Việt Nam. À travers ses différentes solutions culturelles, économiques et politiques proposées par ces modernistes, le récit sur le nationalisme vietnamien tente de répondre aux préoccupations des acteurs du moment et représenter une conception du nationalisme vietnamien durant la période coloniale
Mirrors and Visions: Nu Luu Tho Quan and the Woman Question in Interwar Vietnam
No full textThis thesis examines the varied output of a small press called Nữ Lưu Thơ Quán (Women’s Bookstore) that operated in Gò Công, Cochinchina from 1928 until 1930. Under the editorial direction of a woman named Phan Thị Bạch Vân (1903-1980), this press sought to influence Vietnamese women’s involvement in their families and communities through novels and biographies, along with instructive and prescriptive literature. Bạch Vân and her cohort of Vietnamese intellectuals derived influence from women’s movements in France, the United States, China, and Japan. They translated a diverse range of ideas and concepts through their own unique lens, with attention paid to their audience and desired influence. I combine literary and historical analyses to consider the significance of works in Nữ Lưu Thơ Quán’s catalogue, such as: Phan Thị Bạch Vân’s novels, Kiếp hoa thảm sử (1928-1929), Nữ anh tài (1928), and Lâm Kiều Loan (1932), the biographies of Madame Roland (1754-1793) and Qiu Jin (1875-1907), and instructive books by Bạch Vân and a writer named Đạm Phương (1881-1947), called Vần Quốc ngữ (1929) and Gia Đình Giáo Dục (1928). This dissertation examines written media that has hitherto been unexplored and shows Vietnamese women’s serious involvement in what contemporaries termed “the Woman’s Question.” Additionally, I show how a director of a small women’s press sought to ensure a remarkable future for the Vietnamese derived from her own vision and through the direction of other women
People of Hà Nội in the Bao Cấp Era : Everyday Life Under Vietnamese Socialist Rule, 1954-1986
No full text"People of Hà Nội in the Bao Cấp Era: Everyday Life Under Vietnamese Socialist Rule, 1954-1986" explores the lived experiences of Hà Nội residents during the socialist era, also known as the Bao Cấp era. This thesis argues that life in Hà Nội under the central planning system - the bao cấp system - was a mix of negative and positive experiences, filled with paradoxes and unpredictable changes. Drawing on personal accounts and Vietnamese official publications, it investigates Hà Nội residents' shifting social realities, material conditions, and cultural practices. It suggests that how the residents navigated their realities were informed by, and simultaneously, informing the bao cấp system and larger ideological, political conditions. The thesis challenges conventional narratives and assumptions about socialism. It contributes to the history of Việt Nam and to the history of global socialist experiences
Nouvelle gauche et féminisme au Japon : Déconstruction de la modernité, du langage et du genre
No full textLe féminisme s’est avéré au fil des décennies un lieu d’élaboration, de partage et de transformation d’idées sans équivoque. Dans tous les mouvements féministes de la planète, c’est à travers un échange d’idées sur la situation particulière des femmes dans différentes régions du monde que le féminisme progresse. Influencées par les critiques sociales provenant des milieux de la nouvelle gauche intellectuelle des années 1960 et de son penchant pour la déconstruction des structures et superstructures qui gouvernent la société, les féministes ont emprunté et adapté plusieurs de ces cadres analytiques qu’elles ont ajouté à leur propre bassin d’approches théoriques. Au Japon comme ailleurs, le féminisme s’est inspiré des grands courants intellectuels pour former une pensée féministe distincte. La présente analyse cherche donc à mettre en évidence les influences théoriques de la nouvelle gauche internationale ainsi que le particularisme national de l’approche déconstructiviste du féminisme japonais à partir de la fin des années 1960 jusqu’à aujourd’hui.
Pour ce faire, nous proposons une analyse en profondeur des écrits de trois auteures féministes japonaises prolifiques aux approches déconstructiviste variées. En premier lieu, une attention particulière sera portée aux écrits d’Ueno Chizuko (1948-), souvent reconnue comme l’une des féministes la plus importantes de sa génération, dont l’approche déconstructiviste remet en question la modernité japonaise en abordant les thèmes fondamentaux de la famille, de l’État-Nation, du discours et de l’histoire. En second lieu, les écrits d’Ide Sachiko (1939-), sociolinguiste à la renommée internationale, permettront de mettre en lumière les différences de genre qui caractérisent la langue japonaise, notamment en matière des formes linguistiques de politesse et dans l’usage d’un langage spécifique pour les femmes. Finalement, une analyse de l’oeuvre de Takahashi Takako (1932-) explore la déconstruction du genre au sein de la littérature japonaise en matière d’identification, d’inversion de genre et de maternité
"Little Consideration... to Preparing Vietnamese Forces for Counterinsurgency Warfare"? History, Organization, Training, and Combat Capability of the RVNAF, 1955-1963
No full textThis dissertation is a focused analysis of the origins, organization, training, politics, and combat capability of the Army of the Republic of Viet Nam (ARVN) from 1954 to 1963, the leading military instrument in the national counterinsurgency plan of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam (RVN). Other military and paramilitary forces that complemented the army in the ground war included the Viet Nam Marine Corps (VNMC), the Civil Guard (CG), the Self-Defense Corps (SDC) and the Civil Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) which was composed mainly of the indigenous populations in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. At sea and in the air, the Viet Nam Air Force (VNAF) and the Viet Nam Navy (VNN) provided additional layers of tactical, strategic and logistical support to the military and paramilitary forces. Together, these forces formed the Republic of Viet Nam Armed Forces (RVNAF) designed to counter the communist insurgency plaguing the RVN. This thesis argues the following. First, the origin of the ARVN was rooted in the French Indochina War (1946-1954). Second, the ARVN was an amalgamation of political and military forces born from a revolution that encompassed three overlapping wars: a war of independence between the Vietnamese and the French; a civil war between the Vietnamese of diverse social and political backgrounds; and a proxy war as global superpowers and regional powers backed their own Vietnamese allies who, in turn, exploited their foreign supporters for their own purposes. Lastly, the ARVN failed not because it was organized, equipped, and trained for conventional instead of counterinsurgency warfare. Rather, it failed to assess, adjust, and adapt its strategy and tactics quickly enough to meet the war’s changing circumstances. The ARVN’s slowness to react resulted from its own institutional weaknesses, military and political problems that were beyond its control, and the powerful and dangerous enemies it faced. The People’s Army of Viet Nam (PAVN) and the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF) were formidable adversaries. Not duplicated in any other post-colonial Third World country and led by an experienced and politically tested leadership, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (DRVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of Southern Viet Nam (NFLSVN) exploited RVN failures effectively. Hypothetically, there was no guarantee that had the US dispatched land forces into Cambodia and Laos or invaded North Vietnam that the DRVN and NFLSVN would have quit attacking the RVN. The French Far East Expeditionary Corps (FFEEC)’ occupation of the Red River Delta did not bring peace to Cochinchina, only a military stalemate between it and the Vietnamese Liberation Army (VLA). Worse yet, a US invasion potentially would have unnerved the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which might have sent the PLAF to fight the US in Vietnam as it had in Korea. Inevitably, such unilateral military action would certainly provoke fierce criticism and opposition amongst the American public at home and allies abroad. At best, the war’s expansion might have bought a little more time for the RVN but it could never guarantee South Vietnam’s survival. Ultimately, RVN’s seemingly endless political, military, and social problems had to be resolved by South Vietnam’s political leaders, military commanders, and people but only in the absence of constant PAVN and PLAF attempts to destroy whatever minimal progress RVN made politically, militarily, and socially. The RVN was plagued by many problems and the DRVN and NFLSVN, unquestionably, were amongst those problems
"Little Consideration... to Preparing Vietnamese Forces for Counterinsurgency Warfare"? History, Organization, Training, and Combat Capability of the RVNAF, 1955-1963
No full textThis dissertation is a focused analysis of the origins, organization, training, politics, and combat capability of the Army of the Republic of Viet Nam (ARVN) from 1954 to 1963, the leading military instrument in the national counterinsurgency plan of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam (RVN). Other military and paramilitary forces that complemented the army in the ground war included the Viet Nam Marine Corps (VNMC), the Civil Guard (CG), the Self-Defense Corps (SDC) and the Civil Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) which was composed mainly of the indigenous populations in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. At sea and in the air, the Viet Nam Air Force (VNAF) and the Viet Nam Navy (VNN) provided additional layers of tactical, strategic and logistical support to the military and paramilitary forces. Together, these forces formed the Republic of Viet Nam Armed Forces (RVNAF) designed to counter the communist insurgency plaguing the RVN. This thesis argues the following. First, the origin of the ARVN was rooted in the French Indochina War (1946-1954). Second, the ARVN was an amalgamation of political and military forces born from a revolution that encompassed three overlapping wars: a war of independence between the Vietnamese and the French; a civil war between the Vietnamese of diverse social and political backgrounds; and a proxy war as global superpowers and regional powers backed their own Vietnamese allies who, in turn, exploited their foreign supporters for their own purposes. Lastly, the ARVN failed not because it was organized, equipped, and trained for conventional instead of counterinsurgency warfare. Rather, it failed to assess, adjust, and adapt its strategy and tactics quickly enough to meet the war’s changing circumstances. The ARVN’s slowness to react resulted from its own institutional weaknesses, military and political problems that were beyond its control, and the powerful and dangerous enemies it faced. The People’s Army of Viet Nam (PAVN) and the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF) were formidable adversaries. Not duplicated in any other post-colonial Third World country and led by an experienced and politically tested leadership, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (DRVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of Southern Viet Nam (NFLSVN) exploited RVN failures effectively. Hypothetically, there was no guarantee that had the US dispatched land forces into Cambodia and Laos or invaded North Vietnam that the DRVN and NFLSVN would have quit attacking the RVN. The French Far East Expeditionary Corps (FFEEC)’ occupation of the Red River Delta did not bring peace to Cochinchina, only a military stalemate between it and the Vietnamese Liberation Army (VLA). Worse yet, a US invasion potentially would have unnerved the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which might have sent the PLAF to fight the US in Vietnam as it had in Korea. Inevitably, such unilateral military action would certainly provoke fierce criticism and opposition amongst the American public at home and allies abroad. At best, the war’s expansion might have bought a little more time for the RVN but it could never guarantee South Vietnam’s survival. Ultimately, RVN’s seemingly endless political, military, and social problems had to be resolved by South Vietnam’s political leaders, military commanders, and people but only in the absence of constant PAVN and PLAF attempts to destroy whatever minimal progress RVN made politically, militarily, and socially. The RVN was plagued by many problems and the DRVN and NFLSVN, unquestionably, were amongst those problems
Liberal Theology in the Late Qing China: The Case of Timothy Richard
No full textThe opium wars in China during the 1840s were followed by a surge of
Christianization in the late Qing dynasty. What a kind of role played by missionaries in the modernization of the Qing China has been a long-lasting issue since the early 20th century. Due to political reasons, the contribution of the Christian mission was either underestimated in view of Cultural Invasion paradigm or overemphasized in view of Modernization paradigm.
The thesis employs a less-distorted model, Liberal Theology, to analyze the
influences of liberal missionaries, exemplified by Timothy Richard, on the social reform in the modernization movement of the late Qing. It describes the relevance of missionary activities to the development of Chinese history in view of the biographical records of Christian missions. The entry point of this presence is traced in the text through Richard’s activities to contribute to famine relief, literary work, reform advocacy, higher education, cross-cultural exchange, a product of the development of his ideas and strategies gained from the promotion of European models of modernization. Particularly, the thesis brings to light Richard’s symbiotic conception between religion and secularism (i.e., science, technology, education, and political reform). The main contribution of the study hinges on a couple of aspects: (1) Building a thorough portrait of Richard and of his life-long vocation by means of a number of primary and secondary sources in both English and
Chinese; and (2) Interpreting the liminal role Richard played in his missionary work to answer the question: are missionaries a proxy of imperialism, or a paragon of
modernization, or something in between?
After pointing out the limitations of the two old paradigms, the thesis exposes
that, armed with the hybrid Liberal Theology model, we can better understand the nature of the mission work done by liberal missionaries, such as Richard. Thus, though their activities happened in an era marked with colonial imperialism, the Christian mission should not be regarded as simply an imperialistic invasion in the cultural field; what is more, though missionaries introduced western civilization to Chinese people in various proselytizing approaches, they could not be considered as one of the prime movers for China’s modernization in the late Qing Dynasty, because the contributions they made subordinately promoted China’s modernization through a series of religious and cultural contacts with Chinese elites via, e.g., meetings, media, literary work, higher education
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