1,721,163 research outputs found
La "sors" di Fiesole e la fortuna "laica" di Appio Claudio: un incontro improbabile
No full textStarting from the new readings of the "sors" in Fiesole proposed by A.L.Prosdocimi, the author rejects his interpretation. The "gnome" is to rely upon Fortune, not to resist to her according to the Appius Claudius Caecus' saying ("quisque faber suae fortunae")
Eventi dinastici e risposta delle città nella lettera di Settimio Severo alla città di Aezani
No full textThe public proclamations of loyalty towards the emperor from the cities throughout the Roman empire were often a response to the news of dynastic events: the accession of a new emperor, the birth of an heir, the attribution of titles or tasks to members of the imperial family, victories, anniversaries, solemn announcements of various
kind. In order to secure the favour or the forgiveness of the prince, the cities made sacrifices, proclaimed festal days, and sent embassies to
him. As examples of this custom, the author quotes a papyrus from Apollonopolis Heptakomia in Egypt (P.Giss. 3) for the accession of
Hadrian, an inscription from Aezani in Phrygia Epiktetos for the attribution of the title of Caesar to Caracalla (ILS, 8805), and a decree
of Athens for the title of Augustus to Geta (IG,II-III, 2nd ed., 1077). A thorough analysis of the inscription from Aezani in its context
allows the author to reconstruct the chronology of the second half of AD 195: Caracalla received the title of Caesar in full summer; as a
response to this open provocation, Clodius Albinus was acclaimed emperor in Britain at the beginning of October, and was declared
hostis publicus by Severus in Mesopotamia at the beginning of November, few days before the capitulation of Byzantium, which granted to Severus the 8th imperial acclamation; the decree of the
Senate against Albinus followed on the 15th of December
Vicus rurale e vicus urbano nella definizione di Festo (pp. 502 e 506 L.)
No full textThe author proposes a new textual reconstruction of the Festus' passage (pp. 502 and 508 L.) concerning the "vici". The first lacunose sentence is easy enough to complete. The second sentence, in the present form, is intimately inconsistent. Perhaps Festus made a distinction between (Italic) areas with "vici" (i.e. nucleated settlements), and (Roman) areas with "pagi" (characterized mainly by "villae", i.e. isolated houses)
El emperador Claudius, autor de epigramas en un pasaje de Suetonio
No full textAccording to Suetonius (Cl. 2,2), in a "libellus" Claudius complained about his master who had been a "superiumentarius" (a commander of a mule train). This ironic hyperbole, which refers to the brutal use of whip, seems an allusion to the rough Horace's teacher ("plagosus Orbilius"), and so suggests the possibility that Claudius' words were part of an epigram, whose reconstruction the author of this article attempts to, starting from some recognizable jambic sequences
Antinum. Naissance et décadence d'un municipe romain mineur de l'Italie centrale
No full textThe author scrutinizes the urban and civic development of Antinum, a small community of the ancient Marsi, from pre-Roman times to Late
Antiquity. This sample is of great interest, because: 1) Antinum is a municipium issued from a preceding oppidum on a hill, not from a village on the plain; 2) its institutes are epigraphically documented already before
the establishment of the municipium; 3) since the 3rd century B.C. several
unfortified villages (vici) were present in its territory. The study of the
over time relation between the urban centre and these vici (both before and after the establishment of the municipium) allows us to test the well-known ‘vican-paganic’ model of settlement, a model which has been for
long considered as typical of inland central Italy since pre-Roman times. As a matter of fact, the objections against this model recently raised by Capogrossi Colognesi, Tarpin and others seem, at least in this specific case, fully confirmed
Minima epigraphica dalle Alpes Cottiae in memoria di Jacques Debergh. Su un carmen epigraphicum cristiano dalla Novalesa
No full textThe author dedicates the present work to the late Belgian student Jacques Debergh, in reminiscence of his authoritative studies on the Cottian Alps and on Segusio in ancient times. Three fragments from a Christian inscription found in the area of Novalesa Abbey are identified as a funerary carmen in two elegiac distichs which invokes, against the background of the Day of Judgement, the infinite mercy of God
Prime osservazioni sui Fasti Albenses
No full textThe Author presents some preliminary observations on the Fasti Albenses, a great inscription painted on plaster. The fragments have been found in 2011 by the Belgian archaeologists on the mosaic floor of a portico at Alba Fucens. The upper part contained the calendar, in a central strip the dedication by local magistrates was inscribed, and below there were the fasti consulares (presumably from 90 BC to AD 30). Some sections, concerning the years 48-42 BC, 30-15 BC, and AD 18-19, are presented here. As a consequence of the present analysis, we may maintain with assurance that the Fasti Albenses have been drafted and displayed under Tiberius
Paolo Enrico Arias in Abruzzo
No full textThe author emphasizes P.E.Arias' contribution to archaeological researches in the Abruzzi, thanks to the Pisan Archaeological Mission at Collelongo (AQ)
Settimio Severo e il Senato
No full textIn opposition to recent trends of the research, the Author reaffirms the special connection which Septimius Severus had with the army and his conflicting relationship with the Senate. In AD 197 Severus’ senatorial victims were 29 according to Cassius Dio (75, 8, 4), 41 according to the Historia Augusta (Sev. 13, 1-7). A reexamination of all the evidence pertaining to his reign allows us to propose a quantitative reassessment of his repression, which is much better grounded than the picture drawn by Danuta Okoń (2013): at least 56 senators were put to death; at least 12 were sentenced to exile, confiscation, or expulsion from the Senate; at least 43 were disgraced and their career was stopped. On the whole, Severus’ victims among the senators were at least 111, almost 18,5 % of the Senate at that time
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